American Behavioral Scientist

Effectively maintained inequality (EMI) was proposed as a general theory of inequality. While the theory flows from a decades-long tradition of studying social background effects on educational attainment, it also has resonances with theories in other domains. After conveying the tenets of EMI, I consider its proposed mechanisms and patterned implications for inequality. Given this foundation, I identify affinities between EMI and selected theoretical predecessors. In the penultimate section, selected implications for policy development and reform strategies are conveyed. A concluding section reflects upon the implications of EMI as a resource for social action.

In this analysis, I evaluate how socioeconomic status (SES) directly shapes the probability that students with similar academic achievements complete key transitions in the U.S. postsecondary system. I develop the concept of institutional reach to illuminate the maintenance of socioeconomic differences across successive forward transitions via institutions of varying selectivity in this postsecondary system. Both low- and high-SES students with high academic achievements display a greater probability of moving forward through the system. However, high-SES students are more likely to do so by attending more selective institutions at entry and, consequently, are more likely to complete a bachelor’s degree at such institutions. In other words, high-SES students have greater institutional reach given similar academic achievements. Greater protection from low achievements and greater boosts from high achievements are both important for maintaining high-SES students’ advantage.

While it is well established that the structure and organization of the education system affects youth transitions, less attention has been paid to the study of qualitative distinctions at the same level of education over time in the Irish context. Using data from the School Leavers’ Survey over the period 1980-2006, this paper considers the hypothesis of effectively maintained inequality in the case of the Republic of Ireland. The data capture young people’s transitions during three distinct and remarkable macro-economic fluctuations, and makes a particularly interesting test case for EMI. Over the cohorts under investigation, Ireland had changed from a recessionary economic climate and prolonged economic stagnation for much of the 1980s to a booming economy by the middle of the mid-2000s and one of the most dynamic economies in the world during the “Celtic Tiger” period. The patterns of social-class inequality over a 30-year paper reported in this article suggest that qualitative differences at the same level of inequality represent a persistent barrier to greater equality in the Irish context. Specifically, we find three notable patterns to support the hypothesis of EMI with regard to tracking decisions taken in the transition from lower secondary to upper secondary, subject-level differentiation in the upper secondary mathematics curriculum, and access to university higher education.

This article discusses effectively maintained inequality considering two different examples from the Germany education system: secondary school attainment and enrolment in highly ranked universities among freshmen. In our analyses of secondary school attainment, we investigate whether considering differentiation in upper secondary education leads to other conclusions than restricting the analyses to the conventional distinction between the traditional degree levels. In our analyses of university choice, we investigate whether the introduction of university ranking lists has created a new qualitative dimension of inequality in the German higher education system.

Using longitudinal data for a nationally representative sample of ninth graders in South Korea, we examine socioeconomic differences in the likelihood of making transitions into different types of high school and college with a goal of testing the validity of the effectively maintained inequality hypothesis. We find significant socioeconomic disparities in the likelihood of attending an academic high school and a 4-year university. However, the predicted probabilities suggest that even disadvantaged students typically choose an academic high school relative to a vocational high school. Furthermore, although disadvantaged students likely end up with a 2-year junior college, those disadvantaged students graduating from an academic high school typically choose a 4-year university, after controlling for academic achievement and other variables. We discuss the relevance of the effectively maintained inequality hypothesis for South Korea and broad implications for elsewhere where postsecondary education is increasingly available for the majority of population.

In this article, I explore the utility of effectively maintained inequality theory in examining educational inequality in South Africa at the end of the apartheid era. As an obviously unequal country, South Africa provides an excellent opportunity to test the claim that even with large quantitative differences in achievement, qualitative differences will matter. Using data from the early 1990s, I find that there were extensive quantitative differences in secondary school transitions across respondents in different racial categories. The minority White population was consistently able to achieve both more and better education. At the same time, though, qualitative distinctions mattered. For the majority of the population, particularly Africans, the quality of education attained varied across parental background. These outcomes are important not only for examining the veracity of effectively maintained inequality, both in terms of racial and class differences but also because they illustrate how educational differences have served to perpetuate inequality over time in a society that no longer allows for the explicit denial of opportunity by race.

Effectively maintained inequality (EMI) was proposed as a general theory of inequality, but the theory flows from a decades-long tradition of studying social background effects on educational attainment. After an orienting discussion of several historic challenges of the study of social background effects on educational inequality, proposed and adopted solutions to those challenges, and subsequent critiques of those solutions, we offer and justify seven principles that, if followed, produce a solid assessment of EMI. After conveying the seventh principle, two illustrative ways in which EMI addresses historic challenges with studying inequality are conveyed.