Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India

I would first of all like to thank the Anthropological Survey of India for inviting me to deliver the Elwin Memorial Lecture at a national seminar on ‘Verrier Elwin and his Field Method’ held at North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU) in May 2018. I have chosen to speak on ‘Verrier Elwin and his Fieldwork Method’ in view of the paucity of information on the subject, as neither Elwin has written on how he conducted his fieldwork or what his methodology of fieldwork was, nor have others written much about his method of fieldwork. Indeed, many like Enthoven (1946) and Devereux (1946) have written on the richness, soundness and reliability of his data, but they are silent about how he collected his data or what his fieldwork method was like.

Among the few who I know have written on Elwin’s fieldwork method are Bhabagrahi Misra (1970, 1971), Ramachandra Guha (1998, 1999) and Vinay Kumar Srivastava (n.d., ms). I am not aware of the writings of any other author on this subject.

The perception that communities are passive recipients of innovations has long been rejected. The way communities respond to any innovation is the result of unique and complex negotiations and renegotiations between their culture and the innovations. These responses can cause changes in the existing elements of the culture and lead to the emergence of new elements that act as feedback into the initial process. It is from this perspective that this article aims to understand the introduction and expansion of horticulture among the Savara of Seethampeta Mandal, Andhra Pradesh. The interplay of the Savara culture and horticulture is grounded on certain Savara institutions and their responses to the innovation of horticulture, creating a loop where positive responses from the earlier culture feed into new elements of culture that are positively oriented towards horticulture. Using ethnographic data based on fieldwork, this article seeks to understand how the earlier and emergent Savara cultures have facilitated the widespread adoption of horticulture in the area under study.

Karnataka is the most populous state in South India. The Government of Karnataka constituted a committee under the chairpersonship of one of the sitting women members of the Karnataka Legislative Council to study the conditions of the sex workers in the state. This committee has submitted its report to the Karnataka government recently. This study has interviewed around 11,000 sex workers across the state and collected the required information about their present condition. Data have been collected through the schedule having 169 questions and interviewing the respondents. Sex workers were identified through the district councillors for the survey. The committee has estimated more than 300,000 women are involved in this work, a majority of them are from lower social groups having a low income. The study has found that in the initial stage, women are being stepped into this job merely because of trafficking or to earn more money for life, or are sold unwittingly to the pimps by relatives or friends. Once they get stuck in this vicious cycle, women continue to be sex workers only because of no other exit. It is found that women continue to be sex workers as long as demand or beauty prevails in the market. When demand decreases, they continue in the field as a supplier/agent (pimps). The study has found that a majority of them are being trafficked from Maharashtra and Goa to Karnataka. The study found migration, drought, unemployment, early marriage divorce, poverty, etc., as some of the reasons for entering in this job. Shockingly, the report has revealed that married women are more engaged in this occupation. The more interesting issue is that around 26 per cent of women/girls have entered into this sex work job just to buy a good mobile, to get a good dress, for pocket money, etc. The report further says that more than 17–20 per cent of them are HIV infected. The study finally suggests that awareness creation, atrocity prevention, resolving rehabilitation and empowerment should be the part and parcel of any policy for the welfare of the sex workers. This article is based on the findings of the study report submitted to government by the committee.

Classical social evolutionists generally assumed that the transformation of human societies from one particular mode of production to another is an evolutionary progression. It is a passage from hunting–gathering to herding and cultivation as alternative strategies to exploit a ‘given’ environment. This article portrays the strategies adopted by the Shompen to expand and ensure optimal diet throughout the year. The local environmental conditions and the state of technology the community has achieved had its bearing upon determining the nature of adaptive strategy evolved. The Shompen unlike their counterparts in the Andaman Islands have developed a multipronged strategy to survive at a distant, remote and inaccessible habitat in a largely isolated island that too through independent innovation of certain technologies. In this article, an attempt has been made to establish that the progression of societies was not always linear as assumed by the classical social evolutionists.

The works of literary masters often encapsulate history and anthropology of their times. Of several doyens of colonial writers in Bengal, Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyaya is well known for mirroring the position of women and also drawing some strong sketches of women reflecting social issues as well as inequality and injustice meted out to them at that period of Bengal’s history. His empathetic concern for women and his keen insight into their minds has often been commented on and appreciated. This paper is concerned with his inter-subjective relationship with the questions of class and caste and how, he as a male member of upper caste and from a genteel background dealt with his innate caste and class concerns in constructing his women characters representing various strata of society.

The hunter-gatherer tribes of Andaman and Nicobar Islands with negrito physical features had drawn attention of researchers and administrators because of their unique bio-cultural identity and their migration to the present habitat. Until 1950s, the Onge were sparsely distributed and exploited natural biotic resources of whole Little Andaman Island. Population decrease among them was the major factor for resettlement of this tribe at Dugong creek (1976–1977) and at South Bay (1980) of Little Andaman Island. The then Administration’s attempts to protect Onge was in line with the Government of India’s policy towards tribal societies. Often described as ‘Nehru-Elwin’ tribal policy. After resettlement, supply of ‘free ration’ was introduced which is continuing till date. The whole economy of the Onge has undergone a change. Their physical stamina seems to be ‘greatly reduced’ and the incidence of ‘overweight’ has increased in both men and women. ‘Underweight’ is reported more among men (60%) than women (33%). Longevity of male and female Onge is moderate. 10% of Onge male and female are 50 years and above. Four males and two female Onge are aged 60 years and above. 34% of Onge in the age group of 21–40 years are employed in electricity, education and forest department of Andaman and Nicobar administration, Port Blair. The present generation is more interested in ‘cash economy’ and demands facilities such as housing, electricity, piped water, bicycles and medicines. Challenge for administrators and policy makers lies in the changing socio-cultural attitudes of the present day Onge. Skills such as preparation of baskets, boats and paintings over the body are hardly seen among younger generation. Auxiliary Nursing Midwifery (ANMs) at Dugong creek settlement are instructed to visit Onge families daily to distribute allopathic medicines and also observe/wait until medicine are actually consumed. The authors in the paper discuss the present status of the Onge at Little Andaman Island from the point of view of biological attributes such as demography, nutritional status of adults and Growth and development of Onge children, they opine that ‘survival of Onge’ as bio-cultural ethnic group with certain caveats has been achieved. In conclusion we can state that although many National and International critics seem to think that the pristine cultural has been affected, ‘Survival of Onge’ itself has been the biggest success of this resettlement.

Customary village councils are pre-democratic informal councils found in almost every tribal village in India. Praja is one such customary village council, yet unique in its own terms and is found in villages of Pangi tehsil of Chamba district of Himachal Pradesh. It owes its uniqueness to its geographical conditions. This article discusses about the Praja and the role it plays in the lives of the Pangwala. Praja is a social organisation which works in a close relation with the other units of the Pangwala society. Pangi’s rough geographical conditions like rugged topography and harsh climate, and lack of contact with other areas in earlier times led to formation of Praja, whose function was to deal with socio-cultural, developmental and legal matters. However, with time it became quasi-judicial in nature. Its peculiarity lies in the fact that it is an apolitical organisation. Though changes have been observed in Praja’s role, it is still the supreme body responsible for social solidarity of the Pangwala.

Sixty-four Santal tribal women from Paschim Medinipur district, West Bengal, India, were studied for their somatotype. The studied women were with an average age of 32.5 ± 11.6 years with a wide age range of 16–70. Average height was 150.2 (±5.2) cm. Heath–Carter method (1967) was followed for somatotyping. Average somatotype of the studied Santal women was 3.9 (±1.5) – 4.1 (1.1) – 2.9 ± (1.7). A total of 16–20 year age group had an average somatotype of 3.7 (±1.0) – 3.3 (±0.7) – 3.4 (±1.5), whereas that of 21–30 had an average somatotype of 3.4 (±1.2) – 3.7 (±1.0) – 3.9 (±1.5). A total of 31–40 year age group were more mesomorphic with an average somatotype of 4.4 (±1.6) – 4.4 (±1.2) – 2.1 (±1.7). Mesomorphy component increased as the Santal women grew up. The women from age group 41 to 50 year had an average somatotype of 4.0 (±1.6) – 4.6 (±1.1) – 1.9 (±1.3), whereas that of older women of 51–70 year age group were more mesomorphic with an average value of 5.0 (±1.9) – 5.1 (±0.7) – 1.7 (±0.7). Thus, muscularity of the Santal women increased as age increased. This was due to their changed lifestyle from young age to older age where older had to do more physical work than the young adults. Thus, well-built muscular body type of Santal women was an adaptation for hard physical work for survival.

The present study was conducted to find out the changes in anthropometric measurements with advancing age among elderly males living in old-age homes and those living in family. Cross-sectional data on anthropometric measurements and other general information were obtained for 400 male subjects (200 living in old-age homes and 200 living with family) ageing 60 years and above, and data were collected from various districts in Punjab. Height decreased non-significantly and sitting height decreased significantly (p = 0.03) from 60 years to ≥80 years of age in both the groups of elderly males. Weight decreased significantly among the elderly males residing in old-age homes (p < 0.001). Biceps (p = 0.03) and thigh skinfold (p = 0.009) thicknesses decreased significantly only among elderly residing in old-age homes. Abdominal (p = 0.01) and supra-iliac (p = 0.01) skinfold thickness measurements decreased significantly among elderly residing with their families. Circumference measurements on limbs decreased significantly (p < 0.01) among both the groups of elderly (except upper arm circumference among elderly residing with their families). Abdominal circumference decreased significantly (p = 0.04) among the elderly males residing with their families. Elderly residing in old-age homes retained more abdominal subcutaneous fat mass and lost more appendicular fat mass as compared with those residing with their families. Elderly residing with their families lost lesser appendicular muscle mass as compared with their counterpart’s elderly residing in old-age homes.

Bourdieu says that the individual’s education and skills are the cultural capital and believe it as the modality for the individuals in the upper classes to dominate and alienate the individuals of the lower rungs in the class hierarchy. His concept is important here to understand how beauty power discourse as cultural capital is used for oppressing Indian women though he thought that this particular power discourse cannot be applied to countries like India. And, this article analyses the limitations in the application of his definition of the concept ‘cultural capital’ to the Indian state and the established connection of body image and skin tone to the ideology of power and status, and how it has become a need for Indian women to achieve those desirable attributes of beauty to enable them to be celebrated and to wield cultural and economic power in their field.

Gynaecological problem makes up a sizable proportion of disease burden in women. Majority of these problems remain unaddressed as cultural and gender norms make women silent to report these problems. Undiagnosed and untreated gynaecological problems at young age may have physical and psychological consequences in later life. This article aims to understand the prevalence of gynaecological problems and its concomitants among young married women of rural West Bengal. We collected data on 1,107 young married women, aged 24 years or below, inhabiting the rural areas of three districts of West Bengal with at least one child of five years or below. A pretested structured schedule was used to collect data on socio-demographic variables and symptoms related to gynaecological problems and their management. Focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted to get an in-depth understanding of the participants towards gynaecological problems and management. Around 41 per cent of women reported at least one of the gynaecological problems. Excessive vaginal discharge with bad odour, pain or burning sensation while passing urine, itching at vagina, lower abdominal pain, menstrual irregularities and painful menstruation were the most reported problems. Only 22 per cent of participants sought medical advice. FGDs reveal that there is a variation among the participants regarding the perception and awareness of gynaecological problems. Sexual activity, early marriage and menstrual hygiene were perceived to be the causes of gynaecological problems. The local healers were consulted at the initial stage of the problem; qualified medical practitioners were consulted when the problem persisted. We conclude from this study that socio-cultural factors remain the primary reason behind the high prevalence of gynaecological problem among the study participants.

About social structure, A. L. Kroeber said that it is a ‘pleasant puzzle’, because there are several opinions on its constitution. In a similar vein, R. K. Merton said that social structure is polyphyletic and polymorphous, i.e. it has many meanings and ideas. The same is true of the concept of community. We use many concepts that we understand, but when it comes to defining them in precise terms, we start facing problems, and the concept of community is one of them. This paper submits that community is one concept that is not being discussed these days. Here, it is taken up for a detailed treatment against the backdrop of the case of a pastoral community from Rajasthan.