History and Sociology of South Asia

This article unravels the nature of interaction amongst indigenous medical practices or nattuvaidyam as reflected in the first Malayalam vaidya (indigenous medicine or medical practitioner) magazine Dhanwantari, published from British Malabar for a span of twenty-three years from 1903. The review of Dhanwantari is done in the context of debates on vaidyam (indigenous medicine), health and social body in other newspapers and magazines published during the same period from other parts of Kerala, such as Vivekodayam, Malayala Manorama, Nasrani Deepika and Yogakshemam. The attempt is not to sketch a linear history of practices, but to show the nature of knowledge incorporation from diverse sources for increasing the acceptance of nattuvaidyam. Print technology introduces new possibilities and enhances the reordering of the literate, neo-literate and non-literate practitioners. It also activates the refiguration of an ayurveda as a separate and unique practice amongst ayurvedas or nattuvaidyam.

In recent years, there has been a proliferation of research on the history of the colonial armies in South Asia in general and the Madras Presidency in particular. This has been further accentuated with the emergence of the new military history that explicates the social composition and the diverse recruitment procedures of the Madras Army, hitherto unexplored under the East India Company around the first half of the nineteenth century in India. In fact, the very concept of raising an army battalion in the subcontinent underwent change to meet the potential challenges of the other European authorities, which existed during that time. The very composition of the Madras Army and its diverse recruiting policies made the presidency army capable of handling the emerging threat and maintaining the trading interests in the subcontinent of the East India Company. The Madras Army looked upon the epitome of disciplined military tradition since its inception. This article argues how the social composition and recruiting procedures came to be conglomerated to form a distinct military establishment in south India under the company rule.

This article focuses on the interactions among four parties during 1974–77 that led to their combining to form the Janata Party, which represented a united opposition to the then Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi and her Congress government in January 1977. These inter-party exchanges remain an overlooked episode in the works on the Janata Party, when compared to its much written about the failure in government (1977–79). Forty years on, Janata Party’s formation continues to be understood as a natural and inevitable response to the imposition of emergency by Mrs Gandhi in June 1975. This article, instead, focuses on the engagements among the leaders of the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD), Congress (O), Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) and the Socialist Party (SP) before, during and after the emergency and contends that Janata’s creation was neither a foregone conclusion nor a straightforward process. Second, this coming together of disparate individuals owed more to the possibility of gaining power and personal inclinations than any political principles or policy impulses. Third, while Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) is rightly celebrated as the rival protagonist in oppositional politics to Mrs Gandhi, this article argues that there were limits to his leadership in forging the new party and there was no automatic evolution of the latter from the former. This article is based on the papers of JP and his secretary Brahmanand and, supplemented by other relevant material, shows an unheralded facet of an attempt, which might have come to power on hyperbole but its formation was hard work.

One of the most serious issues in culturally diverse societies, like in Manipur, is the demand for territorial autonomy by ethnic conglomerates, which see themselves as a distinct nation. The communities included in the conglomerates are purposively mobilised on ethnic similarities to sharpen the claim for securing separate territories. The study on ethnic conflicts in Manipur highlights that most of the communities within the conglomerate groups are not only culturally diverse but also territorially dispersed. Thus, this article highlights two points. First, the trend of ethnic nationalism that emerged in Manipur (and other parts of the northeast region) is different from the earlier instances of nationalism found elsewhere. Second, the politics of differentiation within the conglomerates is a source not only for producing new demands for separate territories but also for intensifying ethnic conflicts in Manipur. As disagreements between them cannot be easily resolved, smaller groups often challenge the dominance of larger groups and demand new territories. This shows that when negotiating the claims of multiple identities, each of which sees itself as a distinct nation, conceding territorial autonomy will not resolve inter-ethnic conflict in a state like Manipur unless the issues of internal differences are adequately addressed.