ies? Using detailed geographic data on Airbnb locations in Barcelona and geo-located individual-level surveys, this article examines the effect of short-term letting on electoral behaviour. We contend that short-term letting can become a mobilising issue for political entrepreneurs. Our analysis shows that areas with a higher concentration of Airbnbs were more likely to vote for the party that campaigned in favour of restrictive home-sharing regulations. This study has important implications for our understanding of the interplay between urban management, housing, protest and vote choice.

28:T4cd,

People-centrism is a key defining characteristic of the dominant ideational approach to populism. Yet, who do populist actors consider their ingroup? Research on the empirical characteristics of who is deemed “the people” is scarce. Bringing together previous work on populism, group references, and social identity theory, this article develops a typology of populist in- and outgroup references. Applying word embeddings, a novel text-as-data approach, the empirical characteristics of these groups are identified and contextualized in election manifestos from Austria, Germany, and Switzerland between 1983 and 2021. In line with the theoretical expectations, the results show that the ingroups’ identity remains imprecise and is primarily constructed indirectly, namely through opposition to and in distinction from the outgroup. Right-wing populist parties can be distinguished from other parties through their negative references to outgroups such as foreigners or Muslims. These references indirectly create the ingroup ex negativo. These findings have implications for the representation of minority groups and political polarization in liberal democracies.

29:T458,

Previous evidence highlights significant levels of animosity between supporters of radical right parties and those of other parties, contributing to overall affective polarization. However, there is limited understanding of the dynamics between the electoral emergence of radical right parties and affective polarization. We argue that out-party animosity is not only a potential consequence of radical right parties success but also a driver of their rise. Initially, centre-right partisans exhibiting relatively high levels of hostility towards left-wing voters are more likely to shift their support to an emerging radical right party, accounting for their positions on key issues. Subsequently, the irruption of a radical right party triggers a double defensive reaction among non-radical right party supporters: (a) the rapid development of strong antagonism towards radical right voters; and (b) a de-escalation of mutual hostility between left-wing and centre-right voters. We support these arguments with evidence from a Spanish panel dataset that captures the rise of the radical right party VOX.

2a:T41c,

In recent decades, numerous welfare states have implemented in-work benefits to ‘make work pay’ and tackle in-work poverty. To explain the adoption and institutionalisation of this instrument, studies tend to emphasise either socio-political demand or ideational influences as motivators of policy decisions. However, the relative importance of these causal logics, and the relationship between them, remains ambiguous. To advance this debate, this article examines in-work benefit reforms in two welfare states: France and the United Kingdom. Examining reforms from the late 1990s to the 2010s, findings suggest that policy change and convergence were driven by an ideational rather than a demand-based logic. Reforms were more strongly motivated by the shared interpretive frameworks of policymakers and their instrumental use of ideas (ideational power) rather than the demands of voters and organised interests. This finding on the specific drivers of in-work benefits contributes wider insights into the roles of ideas in public policy.

2b:T453,

While some argue that diminishing welfare policies erode political tr