Fostering Resilience Among Youth in Inner City Community Arts Centers

Abstract

Growing up in an inner city environment can inhibit healthy development and have detrimental consequences for children and adolescents such as increased risks for many social and psychological problems. This article explores the role of community arts centers in fostering resilience among youth living in the inner city. A review of the literature of risk factors associated with growing up in an inner city environment provides a rationale for the need for interventions that promote resilience by creating a refuge from the surrounding poverty and violence, and which strengthen youth’s personal and social resources. We examine the case of the Artists Collective, an inner city community arts center in Hartford, Connecticut, and propose that there are three components of community arts centers that contribute to youths’ resilience. First, features of the physical space promote resilience. Second, they are a place where prosocial relationships and social capital contributing to resilient functioning can be formed. Finally, we hypothesize that learning about and participating in the arts fosters resilience through the development of person-level protective factors such as self-efficacy, improved emotional regulation, social skills, coping skills, and ethnic pride.

Keywords

multicultural education urban education students teachers

Recent research refers to inner city neighborhoods as a “cradle of risk” (Cauce, Stewart, Rodriguez, Cochran, & Ginzler, 2003, p. 346). Indeed, these urban, dense, low-income neighborhoods pose numerous threats to children’s wellbeing, which are often beyond the control of the child and family (Gorman-Smith, Tolan, & Henry, 2005). The regularity and intensity of these threats, combined with the lack of resources in the inner city, can inhibit healthy development and have detrimental consequences for youth such as increased risk for many social and psychological problems (Gorman-Smith et al., 2005).

Various types of interventions have been developed to help foster resilience among inner city youth, where resilience refers to “the dynamic process that leads to positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity” (Werner, 2005, p. 4). Some of these interventions emphasize strengthening protective factors at the familial level (e.g., Gorman-Smith et al., 2005), while others focus more on enhancing protective factors at the individual child level (e.g., Seitz & Apfel, 2005). While many of these interventions have had positive impacts on youth’s development, when neighborhood risk is severe and chronic—which it tends to be in inner city neighborhoods—interventions targeting individuals or families may not be enough to yield resilient outcomes (Vanderbilt-Adriance & Shaw, 2006). In these settings, it may also be necessary to reduce the level of children’s exposure to risk (Vanderbilt-Adriance & Shaw, 2006). Community centers set in inner city neighborhoods are one type of intervention that can help reduce youths’ exposure to violence, drug abuse, gang activity or other stressors found in the inner city streets. Learning about and participating in artistic and cultural activities may also contribute to resilient functioning through supporting and fostering protective factors at the individual, family and community level.

Grounding our discussion in the case of the Artists Collective, an exemplar community arts center located in Hartford, Connecticut, we present ways that community arts centers in inner city neighborhoods may contribute toward resilient functioning among participant youth. In what follows we begin with a review of the research literature highlighting risk factors found in inner city neighborhoods. We then describe the Artists Collective, its location in inner city Hartford, its participants and programming, and the ways in which the center appears to be promoting resilience among participant youth. We then propose three components of community arts center that may contribute to youths’ resilience drawing on the case of the Artists Collective to exemplify our points. First, the arts center offers a safe space for youth to spend time and avoid and counter the chronic exposure to many of the risks found in inner city neighborhoods. Second, arts centers are a place where prosocial relationships and social capital contributing to resilient functioning can be formed. Third, we hypothesize that artistic participation (i.e., learning about arts and culture, creating, performing) fosters resilience through the promotion of person-level protective factors (e.g., self-efficacy, ethnic pride).

Risk Factors of the Inner City

In the context of resilience theory, risk refers to the individual characteristics (e.g., low IQ, negative emotionality) and the familial and environmental factors, circumstances, or experiences (e.g., abuse, neglect, poverty) that may inhibit an individual’s healthy development and wellbeing (see Luthar, 2003). Recent research has devoted much attention to the significant amount of risk found in poor, inner city neighborhoods, and the associated detrimental outcomes for youth such as a sense of hopelessness and anger, and psychological and behavioral problems.

The concentrated poverty of the inner city is associated with a large number of risk factors, including crowded housing, poor quality schools, inadequate nutrition, and the presence of violence and drugs in their neighborhoods (Cauce et al., 2003). These adverse conditions contribute to elevated stress levels, and chronic elevated stress is a significant risk factor for a number of mental and physical health problems (Romeo & McEwen, 2006). The high rates of suicide and substance abuse found in inner city neighborhoods are further evidence of the risk these neighborhoods pose for psychological wellbeing (Farr, 1997).

Yates, Egeland, and Sroufe (2003) explain that poverty and stress can lead to decrements in parental sensitivity, occurring from the child’s infancy and throughout key early childhood developmental periods. Deficits in caregiving can have long lasting negative impacts on children since insensitive caregiving does not sufficiently scaffold the child’s emerging regulatory capacities (Schore & Schore, 2007). This can lead to a sense of mistrust in the child about the social world and can cause a deficit in the child’s sense of self (Schore & Schore, 2007; Yates et al., 2003). Insensitive caregiving is also associated with attention problems and behavior problems in later childhood (Yates et al., 2003).

Two of the most significant risks associated with life in the inner city are violence and the experience or threat of victimization (Aisenberg & Mennen, 2000; Cauce et al., 2003; Sieger, Rojas-Vilches, McKinney, & Renk, 2004). Recent research indicates that among low income, African American youth living in inner city neighborhoods in the Washington, D.C. and Baltimore areas 75% were witnesses to at least one violent act during a 6-month period (Howard, Feigelman, Li, Cross, & Rachuba, 2002). Sieger et al. (2004) note that 91% of children in one particularly violent low-income neighborhood in New Orleans had been victims of some type of violence. Homicide rates are a leading cause of death among Black adolescents, both male and female, and homicide rates are highest in urban communities with high rates of poverty, unemployment, and poor housing (Farr, 1997). Being a victim or witness of violence is associated with a number of adverse outcomes, including heightened anxiety and depression, and heightened levels of aggression (Cauce et al., 2003; Howard et al., 2002). Exposure to violence has been shown to lead to problems in school, including compromised cognitive functioning, lower academic achievement and school attendance, and higher school dropout rates (Cauce et al., 2003). In turn, problems in school can lead to decreased self-esteem (Owens & Shaw, 2003).

Moreover, the dominant peer culture in inner city neighborhoods tends to reflect the violence found in the wider neighborhood environment. Research shows that delinquent peers are strongly associated with the development of adolescent behavior problems (Cauce et al., 2003). Cauce et al. (2003) explain that the personal characteristics valued by inner city peers tend to be inconsistent with “success in a conventional mode” (p. 350). For instance, aggression may be valued while academic performance is not. The effects of community violence may also be exacerbated by other risk factors of the environment (Sieger et al., 2004). Being low income and being from father-figure absent families—both of which are prominent in inner city neighborhoods—are associated with greater symptomology in adolescents who have experienced community violence (Cauce et al., 2003; Sieger et al., 2004). McGee (2003) also notes that “African American youth are particularly vulnerable to the effects of violence exposure because of stress-inducing factors, as well as factors relating indirectly to issues of oppression and racism” (p. 296).

In fact, because most inner city residents are Black, an additional contextual risk faced by the majority of residents in inner city neighborhoods is the oppression and discrimination that is a normative stressor for ethnic and racial minorities living in the United States (Arrington & Wilson, 2000). Maton (2005) explains that “cultural beliefs which devalue targeted, marginalized groups (e.g., ethnic minorities) impede development and resilience” (p. 126). Szalacha et al. (2003) add that it is not simply prejudice or discriminatory behavior that leads to negative outcomes, but whether the individual interprets others’ behavior as discriminatory. This perceived discrimination can have a negative impact on one’s sense of self as well as one’s sense of safety, and result in internalizing problems such as depression and elevated stress levels (Szalacha et al., 2003). Farr (1997) notes that experiences of racism undermine youths’ developing self-concepts in their transition to adulthood. The risks associated with experiences of discrimination are compounded by the lack of positive images of Black individuals in the media and in school curricula. According to Utsey, Giesbrecht, Hook, and Stanard (2008), race-related stress may actually be a “significantly more powerful risk factor than stressful life events for psychological distress” (p. 49).

Finally, Wilson (1987, 1996, 2003) argues that inner city neighborhoods are marked by rising joblessness and social isolation. He highlights how residents of the inner city lack the type of social capital (e.g., social networks, contacts, prosocial role models) that could potentially help them move out of poverty, and obtain necessary employment and other important resources. In his groundbreaking studies of urban poverty, Wilson (1987, 1996) described the historical context underscoring the widening gap between the rich and poor in our country that has led to urban ghettos populated almost exclusively by low-income, largely unemployed African Americans. According to Wilson, the population of urban neighborhoods is different than in earlier years—a trend which continues largely to this day. This group, which Wilson (1987) terms the “underclass” includes “individuals [who] are engaged in street crime and other forms of aberrant behavior, and families that experience long-term spells of poverty and/or welfare dependency” (p. 8). He notes that the contact between groups of different class and racial backgrounds has continued to decline leading to greater adversity from living in the inner city. Wilson (2003) explains, “These concentration effects, reflected, for example, in the self-limiting social dispositions of inner city residents, are created by inadequate access to jobs, informal job networks, and quality schools; the decreasing availability of suitable marriage partners; the lack of exposure to conventional role models; and the limited contact with ‘mainstream’ social institutions” (p. 1101).

In summary, there are a multitude of risk factors facing youth in inner city neighborhoods. Consequently, children and adolescents growing up in these neighborhoods are vulnerable to depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, academic problems, hyperactivity, disruptive behavior, aggression, delinquent behavior, and illegal drug use (Aisenberg & Mennen, 2000; Farr, 1997; Howard et al, 2002; Sieger et al., 2004; Voisin, 2007). However, despite the disadvantaged conditions in which youth in inner city neighborhoods grow up, it is important to recognize that there is significant diversity and complexity in youth outcomes in these neighborhoods (Elliott et al., 2006). Indeed, many children demonstrate exceptional resilience in the face of these chronic stressors and risks (Elliott et al., 2006; Jessor, 1993). As the case of the Artists Collective shows, community arts centers in inner city neighborhoods may be an important protective intervention for participating youth and their families.

The Artists Collective

Neighborhood Risk in Hartford

The Artists Collective is located Hartford, Connecticut, one of the country’s poorest cities (Scott, 2001). In the 1990s Hartford lost 15% of its population. This loss of 20,000 residents was due largely to middle-class residents moving into the suburbs combined with a major decline in the military and insurance industries, which had been Hartford’s primary employers (Scott, 2001). Consequently, the demographics of Hartford changed; those who couldn’t afford to move to the suburbs or relocate to another city—primarily Black, low-income residents—stayed. According to the 2000 Census data 28% of families lived below the poverty line compared to the national average of 9%. The recent national recession has only exacerbated conditions with Connecticut experiencing the largest increase in poverty for any state between 2007 and 2008. According to 2008 Census data, poverty rates in Hartford increased to 31.25%, and the percentage of children under 18 living in poverty in Hartford was 44.5% (Connecticut voices for children, 2011).

The North End neighborhood in Hartford, where the Artists Collective resides, is the poorest area of the city. The unemployment rates for people living in this area are even higher than the city-wide data, and the majority of residents in this neighborhood live close to or below the poverty line (Davis, Soep, Maira, Remba, & Putnoi, 1993). Most residents who live in the North End are African American or Caribbean American of African descent. Davis et al. (1993) described the North End as “littered” (p. 14) and filled with “small houses in poor repair” (p. 15). “This is an area in which people live” they explained, “but that reality is belied by the emptiness of the streets” (p. 15). Residents describe the area as having high levels of gang activity, many drug dealers and users, and drive by shootings, which make the streets dangerous (Davis et al., 1993). Like most inner city neighborhoods, the North End of Hartford is a place of pervasive poverty, high numbers of single-parent households, high crime rates, high levels of community violence and drug abuse, high rates of teenage pregnancy, and dense, crowded housing (Davis et al., 1993). Residents are at risk for social isolation from middle class segments of the population, they lack institutional resources and connections to informal job networks, and youth often lack prosocial role models. Because most residents are ethnic or racial minorities they are also at risk for experiencing oppression and discrimination, which can cause significant stress and hinder healthy development. In the midst of this high risk environment, the Artists Collective offers hope as an intervention fostering resilience among resident youth. Many youth who participate in this center do well at school, have high self-esteem, stay off drugs and out of gangs, and do not engage in delinquent behavior (Davis et al., 1993).

Space, Participants, and Educational Programming

The Artists Collective offered its first classes in 1975 in borrowed spaces throughout downtown Hartford, and soon after was housed in what was once a Catholic School courtesy of the city. More recently the Collective has a large, new facility in the same neighborhood (Artists Collective, n.d.). During the day, the building remains quiet, but in the late afternoon and on the weekends there is a steady flow of people in and out (Davis et al., 1993). In 1993 the Collective served over 600 students per year, and that number has increased steadily since that time to serve over 1,200 students annually (Artists Collective, n.d.) The Collective was founded in 1970 by saxophonist Jackie McLean and his wife Dollie McLean, a professional dancer and actress, along with several other local performing artists. Dollie McLean has been the director of the Artists Collective since its inception to present, and all of the founders (except for Jackie McLean who died in 2006) remain actively involved in running and teaching at the center. Its mission is “to preserve and perpetuate the arts and culture of the African Diaspora by providing training in the performing and visual arts and by sponsoring special events . . . [and] to develop professional artists, to foster positive feelings of self-identity among peoples of the African Diaspora, and to raise public consciousness about the value of this culture” (Artists Collective, n.d.).

The Collective’s participants are primarily youth spanning in age from early childhood through late adolescence, though there are also classes for adults. Most participants are from low-income households, and the majority of participants are African American (The Artists Collective, n.d.). While many of the Artist Collective’s students live in the North End neighborhood, the Collective also attracts a number of African American youth from the nearby middle-class suburbs who come to “escape” the dominant White culture that surrounds them in the suburbs, and immerse themselves and learn about African American arts and culture (Davis et al., 1993). Teachers are professional artists and college age arts students. The majority of teachers are African American.

In addition to daily classes in dance and music, the collective offers a number of programs for youth, including: the Jackie McLean youth jazz orchestra, which is an audition based program for youth aged 13 to 21; dance ensembles for students aged 9 to 17 that perform traditional African, modern, jazz and tap dance throughout the state; Camp Culture, which serves low income students for 6 weeks every day during the summer and focuses on African culture and the arts; and the Summer Youth Employment Training Program, which provides summer jobs for Hartford youth and promotes readiness skills and arts training. The Collective also runs programs in twelve Hartford schools 2 days per week, which includes the Yaboo Ceremony curriculum. This is a rite of passage ceremony that focuses on traditional African family values and welcomes adolescents into adulthood. It is part of a more comprehensive program integrating performance arts, a “skills for living” educational component, and lessons of history and arts and culture (Artists Collective, n.d.). Finally, the collective offers special events, such as opportunities to study with visiting artists and see performances and talks given by professional artists (Artists Collective, n.d.).

In 2010, the Artists Collective was the recipient of the National Arts and Humanities Youth Award, an initiative of the President’s Committee on Arts and Humanities. Margo Lion, the Cochairman of the Committee described the 2010 awardees as exemplifying “how arts and humanities programs outside of the school setting can impact the lives of our young people by tapping imagination, encouraging collaboration and teaching discipline.” She adds, “By tapping imagination, encouraging collaboration and teaching discipline students achieve greater success and are opened up to the possibilities of a new and hopeful future” (President’s Committee on Arts and Humanities, 2010).

Fostering Resilience in Community Arts Centers

Fostering Resilience Through the Physical Space

There are four ways in which the physical environment of the Artists Collective contributes to resilient functioning. First, the Artists Collective is a “safe haven.” Davis and colleagues (1993) explain that the Artists Collective protects those inside from ‘the threatening realities outside’ (p. 16). As described on the Artists Collective website (n.d.), “the vision of the founders was to create a safe haven for at-risk youth to offer alternatives to the violence of the streets, teenage pregnancy, gangs, drugs and alcohol abuse.” Because elevated chronic stress levels is a significant risk factor (Romeo & McEwen, 2006), by providing a safe space to spend time, the Artists Collective may be contributing to youth’s resilience simply by reducing the amount of risk that they are exposed to in the first place (Vanderbilt-Adriance & Shaw, 2006).

One student at the Artists Collective wrote an essay that illuminates how the arts center keeps her and other youth away from the dangers of the streets, and how it offers a safe place to have fun. She says

Artists Collective’s After School program makes me feel so overjoyed. I have the opportunity to dance and stay out of trouble at the same time . . . when you’re there you’ll never want to leave . . . . As I dance, I look to see 12 of the kids and how much fun they’re having . . . . When people are getting shot outside of the building on Albany Avenue, since there are a whole bunch of schools around that area, the Artists Collective’s After School Program is always there to help kids off of the streets. We have a place to come after school instead of getting in loads of trouble. (The Artists Collective, n.d.)

The second dimension of the physical space that contributes to resilience is the “alternative messages” presented in the space. Neatly hung posters line the hallway, including posters advocating for a drug free America, and tables in the entryway hold antidrug pamphlets and information on programs that help individuals cope with a loved one’s drug or alcohol abuse. This antidrug message marks a distinction between the values found in the Artists Collective and the behavior found in the neighborhood streets where drugs are prominent. The information on support groups shows that the Artists Collective recognizes and supports the youth who face the challenging reality of family’s and friends’ drug use. This antidrug message is especially important to the founder Jackie McLean, who was a recovered heroin addict. He could speak honestly from personal experience to the youth at the collective about the dangers of drug use. He said he wanted to “make sure we tell kids about the horrors of drug addiction . . . and hopefully we can instill in them at an early age a defense . . . to this problem” (Davis et al., 1993, p.18). Another “alternative message” that the Artists Collective physical space sends is that doing well in school is “cool,” which is a stark contrast to the antisocial/anti-intellectual culture found in many inner city schools (Cauce et al., 2003). One example of this “pro-school” message can be seen in the student report cards, showcasing mainly As and Bs, which are hung proudly in the Collective’s hallway (Davis et al., 1993).

The third dimension of the physical space that contributes to resilience is that the Artists Collective is a space to feel proud of and to call one’s own. The building and classrooms are kept very clean, and it is clear that the Collective’s staff takes time to ensure that the space is welcoming, and comfortable. Colorful banners decorate the walls, and photo collages showcasing students’ performances are prominently displayed. Artist Keith Haring also painted a mural on one of the classroom walls. Bulletin boards display recital programs and students’ essays about what the Artists Collective means to them. It is clear from the décor and the great effort and time spent on caring for the space that teachers, staff, and students feel a sense of pride in their building, and that this building is like a second “home” for the Collective’s participants—and for many it is a safer and more comfortable place to spend time than their own home (Davis et al., 1993).

The fourth way in which the physical environment of the Artists Collective seems to contribute to resilient functioning is that it is a “cultural oasis” in that it provides safety from the “devaluation of African American culture and history in the media and in the schools” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 16). Because the experience of discrimination and prejudice can have detrimental impacts on youth’s development, the Artist Collective’s celebration of African culture may help mitigate this risk. Tables in the entryway hold information about tours in Africa, and posters of African American leaders and artists fill the hallways. Davis et al. (1993) describe these posters saying “Crowds of faces; all of them black and famous . . . are presented to give the outstanding [Black] artists the respect and adulation which they seldom receive from the mass media as leaders and innovators in American music” (p. 23).

The celebration of the people and culture of the African Diaspora found at the Collective is stark contrast to the reality that African Americans face outside the Collective’s walls. A staff member says that “people call [the Artists Collective] an oasis and it is because people are not overwhelmed by a culture that feels alien to them” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 21). Dollie McLean explains that “the origin of many of the problems we have with our youth is the fact that they’ve been taught . . . whether it’s from the school system, television, whatever—that they come from nothing; they’re nobody; they’re thieves, they’re pimps, all the worst things” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 21).

The environment in the Artists Collective sends the youth a different message. Just being in the space, seeing the Black achievers’ faces both in the posters that adorn the walls, and in their teachers and Collective staff, is a learning experience and it instills a sense of pride in the youth who come to the Collective. One parent described the Collective saying, “Against this backdrop of proud history, positive role models, and high ideals, children are invited to the particular nourishment this oasis can provide: cultural awareness” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 23). This cultural awareness and pride translates into a positive impact on their ethnic pride and their self-esteem, which research on resilience has indicated as protective factors (Deirdre, 2006; Masten & Powell, 2003; Szalacha et al., 2003).

Not only does the Artists Collective serve as a safe haven for youth within the North End neighborhood, but Black students from the suburbs often come to the Collective to connect with other students of color. Dollie McLean says, “a good many of our black families were moving out of town, not realizing that what they were doing to their children was isolating them” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 25). Suburban parents bring their kids to the collective after school and on weekends so that they too can experience the “cultural oasis” and safety from the devaluation of and disconnection from African American culture that they experience when living in predominantly White neighborhoods, schools, and experiencing the devaluation in wider society. This also provides opportunities for inner city families to connect with families from other neighborhoods.

Fostering Resilience Through Relationships

The relationships that youth form through their participation at the Artists Collective play an important role in fostering resilience. First, let us consider the role of teacher–student relationships in promoting resilient functioning. Dollie McLean describes three rules that guide teachers’ approach with the students, and which are in line with the high warmth, support and structure environment that has been identified as a factor in resilient functioning. She says the rules are “(1) we care about those kids; (2) we have something to give them; and (3) we have certain expectations of them” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 38). The Collective’s Development Coordinator speaks to the importance of the combination of structure and caring in making a difference in youth’s lives. She says, “It’s the caring but it’s the structure . . . that’s what makes [the Collective] work” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 40). One student captured the importance of the warmth of Collective staff when he said “Artists Collective means a lot of things to me like, the teachers’ loving, caring gets to the point” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 35). The second rule that Dollie mentioned, that staff have something to “give” students, refers to the things the Collective staff teach the students. This includes the actual learning in the arts, but it also includes morals and strategies for succeeding in life. As Dollie said, she wants the students to learn the “same morals and methods and ideas that we [staff] have” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 30).

The third rule, that there are expectations, refers to the structure and high standards that students are expected to adhere to. These expectations include both performance and behavior within the collective and also norms of behavior outside of collective. One student from the Artists Collective describes how the teachers hold students up to high expectations: “The teachers at the Artists Collective always make sure that we have our dance moves on point. When it’s show time, they want us to look as best as we can” (Artists Collective, n.d.). The high expectations combined with the support help foster students self-esteem and self-efficacy because they are able to meet challenges in learning the arts and give excellent performances. During classes and workshops in the Collective teachers demand student respect and attention, but they also give that respect right back to the students. In terms of high expectations outside of the collective, students are required to do well in school and to not get into trouble. If students do not maintain certain grades, or if they get into trouble for behavior problems, they are not allowed to participate in Collective classes or workshops. Most students are so motivated to stay involved at the arts center that they do keep up their grades and behave well.

There has been much research devoted to the role of caregivers in fostering resilience. Caregiver behaviors, both negative and positive, can have a significant impact on children’s outcomes (Luthar, D’Avanzo & Hites, 2003, p. 109). For instance, inconsistent discipline has been associated with internalizing and externalizing problems (Sandler, Wolchick, Davis, Haine, & Ayers, 2003). Conversely, warm and supportive caregiving has been shown to be a protective factor. As Sandler et al. (2003) explain, “Positive affective and emotionally supportive relationships . . . conveys to children that their [caregivers] value and think highly of them and can be counted on . . . in the future” (p. 223). In fact, for youth that have experienced any early neurodevelopmental impairment—which, as mentioned above, youth living in poverty are at risk for—sensitive, stimulating caregiving can counter these adverse effects (Jaffee, 2007). However, low degrees of support or structure at home may not have a negative impact on the child if there is high support or structure in another domain (Brody, Dorsey, Forehand, & Armistead, 2002). Thus, it follows that if youth can experience warmth, support, and structure in their relationships with teachers and staff at the community arts centers, it will help counter any risk found at the home, and potentially lead to resilient outcomes.

The mentoring that teachers and other staff provide to students is also important to students’ resilient functioning. Masten (2007) explains that relationships with prosocial adults—whether they be parents or other adults in the children’s lives—is an important protective factor (Masten, 2007). In reference to a 16-year-old student who had recently witnessed a killing on the street outside the Collective, one of the Collective’s percussion teachers, Ra Atam explained that it is “important that a child sees other role models” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 36). Atam gives kids his home phone number so that they can reach him anytime they need him or want to talk. Mentoring relationships, the foundation of which is trust, can protect youth from neighborhood and individual risks. Linnehan, Weer, and Uhl (2005) found that initial trust formation, both structural assurance beliefs and youth dispositions towards trust were significant predictors of belief in adult mentor’s benevolence, honesty, competence, and predictability. When a youth can trust a mentor, the mentor can help change a youth’s internal working model to believe in other people and themselves. This can make a particular impact for African American youth when their mentor is of the same race because the mentorship experience can help youth gain needed coping skills to deal with racism (Caughy, Nettles, O’Campo, & Lohrfink, 2006; Linnehan et al., 2005).

The second dimension of the relational environment at the arts centers involved in resilient outcomes has to do with building social capital. Putnam (2000) identifies two types of social capital. First is “bonding” social capital, which promotes solidarity and reciprocity within a community or group. Second is “bridging” social capital, which provides access to resources and information beyond the group (e.g., job networks).

Bonding social capital is clearly seen at the Collective in peer relationships. As Cauce et al. (2003) explain, engagement with inner city peers can be problematic when they exhibit antisocial behaviors. Conversely, relationships with prosocial peers, which the community arts centers provide ample opportunity for, can be protective. Students form strong bonds with one another at the Collective (Davis et al., 1993). Moreover, within a class or even just around the building, young dancers look up to their older peers at the Collective, admiring their dance and music skills, and saying they want to be like them someday (Davis et al., 1993).

Bonding social capital can also be seen in the relationships between staff and students at the Collective. Jackie McLean says, “The Collective has become a place where kids come and it becomes their family. We are a big family . . . it is their home . . . . We are in all their lives. We probably know more about them than their own parents” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 35). Beyond the importance of creating a sense of connection, solidarity, and belonging, bonding social capital is important for African American youth because it may counter some of the negative impacts of racism and discrimination. Negative attitudes toward one’s own racial identity are correlated with higher rates of depression (Kibour, 2001). However, a study by Plant and Sachs-Ericsson (2004) found that although there are higher rates of depression among people of color, interpersonal connections—that occur more readily among minority groups than among White people—can serve as a protective factor against depression. As Utsey et al. (2008) explain, social resources have a significant stress-suppressing effect on race related stress.

Examples of bridging social capital can also be found at the Collective. For instance, when students come from the suburbs to attend classes, inner city students connect with middle-class peers and their parents, who they otherwise might not come into contact with. When inner city youth connect with middle-class suburban youth, each group learns from the other about a different kind of life. The inner city youth may particularly benefit from this connection because they come into contact with more educated, employed adults than they typically meet in the inner city. These adults can then potentially serve as role models and may connect the inner city youth to informal job networks or other resources that are lacking in the inner city.

Fostering Resilience Through Arts and Cultural Education

Music and dance, which are the main forms of art taught at the Artists Collective, have long been thought to be “healing” modalities, and forms of expression and education, which foster resilience and positive youth development (DeCarlo & Hockman, 2000; Deirdre, 2006). Although the research on the arts and resilience remains quite limited, the literature that does exist speaks to the role of music and dance in promoting a number of protective factors, in overcoming adversity, and in fostering resilient outcomes.

Berrol (1992) looked at the reciprocal relationship between motion and emotion. She argues that “movement can serve as a mediator, intervening to organize and/or reorganize the neurological underpinnings of cognitive, physical and emotional function to facilitate behavioral change and enhance well being” (p. 24). Therefore, she explains, dance can have profound therapeutic impacts, including improved mood and behavior. As one Collective parent says, her son and his friends “dance their energy off” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 24). This parent believes that her child and friends are able to relieve stress, and that their participation in dance reduces their potential for engaging in delinquent or other externalizing behavior problems (Davis et al., 1993).

One explanation for these improvements in internalizing and externalizing issues relates to the physical activity involved in dancing, since “exercise may serve as a form of treatment in mild to moderate emotional illness as well as a preventative for healthy individuals” (Berrol, 1992, p. 24). Berrol (1992) explains that the effects of exercise may actually be comparable to psychotherapy. Supporting this theory is a recent randomized control trial by West, Otte, Geher, Johnson, & Mohr (2004) that compared African dance to Hatha yoga and to a control group (a biology lecture) among a group of college students. They found that both dance and yoga significantly reduced perceived stress and negative affect compared to the noneffective control.

Another study conducted by Lobo and Winsler (2006) further supports Berrol’s claims. They examined the role of creative dance and movement on the behavior of Head Start preschoolers, comparing children participating in dance classes to a control group who had regular classroom instruction and play time during the experimental group’s dance time. Results showed significantly greater positive gains in social competence and a reduction in internalizing and externalizing problems for the students who received the dance lessons. Lobo and Winsler (2006) hypothesized that there were a number of mechanisms that led to these positive outcomes. First, they argue that physical activity made the kids feel and act better. Second, they explain that dance was a much needed vehicle for youth to express themselves. Not only were the children who took dance lessons more expressive through the dance, but they actually improved their verbal and physical expressions outside of dance class. The authors also said that the kids’ attention spans were improved in regular classroom time, which led to less disruptive behavior. Lobo and Winsler hypothesized that the involvement in dance led to improved self-regulation due to repeated experiences of using dance as a tool for guiding behavior. Because aggressive behavior may be related to difficulty with emotional regulation (Lewis, Granic, & Lamm, 2006), improving emotional regulation through self-expression in the arts may help diminish externalizing behavior problems. Finally, improved self-esteem was indicated as facilitating the youth’s improved functioning, and in bringing shy kids out of their “shells” to take more social risks (Lobo & Winsler, 2006).

Similar mechanisms have been found in other studies of the arts in reducing internalizing and externalizing problems in youth, and in promoting healthy development in the face of risk. Indeed, music has been shown to improve mood among youth in high stress settings (Hendon & Bohon, 2007). A study by DeCarlo and Hockman (2003) compared the use of a rap music based intervention to more traditional group therapy social skills development for low income, urban, adolescents. They compared the two interventions among groups of youth who were violent offenders, status offenders, and youth with no criminal history. Among all three groups the rap intervention was associated with better outcomes than traditional therapy. DeCarlo and Hockman (2003) attribute the rap interventions success to two factors. First, they argue that rap is culturally sensitive. Second, they argue that music offers a relaxing and enjoyable means to teach social skills (p. 55).

The Artists Collective seems to operate in a similar way to these interventions described above. Like the rap and dance-based interventions, the Collective utilizes arts-based enjoyable and stress-relieving activities as means to foster social skills, self-esteem and emotional regulation in youth. The Artists Collective is also “culturally sensitive” in that the Collective teaches art forms that are rooted in the ethnic history and traditions of most of the participating youth. In fact, the collective goes beyond being “culturally sensitive” to fostering ethnic pride among its participants. “Individual and group workshops expose children to positive role models, stimulate youth to think critically, develop self-esteem, self-awareness, and pride in one’s cultural identity” (Artists Collective, n.d.). Moreover, rather than just teaching art, the Collective weaves in lessons on social skills training, school success and community responsibility (Artists Collective, n.d.).

Davis et al. (1993) identify the “process of being somebody” as a core theme found in the Collective’s programs, and they explain that self-esteem, self-awareness and ethnic pride are all involved in this process. The self-esteem and self-awareness comes in part from tackling the challenging task of learning to play music and learning to dance. Part of the confidence also comes from the experience of performing. One parent at the Collective said, “‘After [my kids] got into [the Collective] I saw things I hadn’t even thought about at first . . . and that was about the self-esteem and the good feeling you get after a good performance—that natural high that will encourage you to do a lot of things’” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 42). She goes on to describe the change in her children, how her two daughters used to be extremely shy and now can speak well and confidently, and project their voices even in front of a crowd.

The Yaboo Ceremony Right of Passage program at the Artists Collective exemplifies how Artists Collective programs are fostering resilience through promoting self-esteem, self-awareness, and ethnic pride. “In conjunction with Hartford Public Schools, their students and Artists Collective students receive training in African dance and percussion of the Diaspora, original choreography, lectures on African history, art and culture, and other topics which address personal growth. Parents, faculty and staff act as a council of elders and attend lectures and rehearsals in preparation for the June ceremony” (Artists Collective, n.d.). A teacher describes the profound impact of the ceremony on the participating youth saying, “Once they are opened up, they can’t be closed up again, so they’re always seeking opportunities where they can feel that satisfaction or wholeness of life” (Davis et al., 1993, p. 47).

Other components of the Artists Collectives programs are also contributing to ethnic pride. For instance, as part of all classes, children receive lectures on African history and culture and they learn some Swahili. In the classes for younger children they learn the Artists Collective “cheer,” which refers to them as “Kings and Queens of the African nation, which is the first civilization” and which goes on to highlight some of the many accomplishments of the people of the African Diaspora throughout history (Harvard Graduate School of Education, 1996).

Another way in which the Artists Collectives arts programming may foster resilience relates to the role of music and dance in overcoming trauma (Macy, Macy, Gross, & Brighton, 2003). Since many inner city youth are at risk for experiencing trauma (e.g., witnessing violence or experiencing violence), and because trauma can have such severe consequences, activities which help youth overcome the impacts of trauma may be an important component of intervention strategies for inner city youth. Macy and colleagues (2003) describe four main ways that youth experience trauma. First it leads to a lowered self-esteem or a sense that “I am unworthy” (p. 61). Second, it leads to a lack of trust or a feeling that the world is not dependable. Third, it leads to a sense that there is no internal control. Fourth, trauma results in an experience of isolation.

Moving in rhythmic ways especially with a group—like the type of movement and music classes offered at the Collective—helps counter these false cognitions about the self and the world. First, as described above, mastering dance moves and performing helps build self-esteem. Second, participating in dance and music helps counter mistrust in the world because rhythmic movements can help youth feel safe and grounded (Macy, Macy, et al., 2003). On a physiological level, rhythmic movement can activate the parasympathetic nervous system. As Macy, Barry, and Noam (2003) explain, the parasympathetic controls the “appraisal” response, which is a “state of calm awareness and stillness in action, with the ability to discern what is safe and what is dangerous” (Macy, Barry, et al., 2003, p. 15). Enhancing this appraisal response can help youth rebuild trust in their environment because they can hone their ability to discern when they are safe.

An observation of an Artists Collective dance class warm-up shows how the dance class helps youth hone this ability to calm down immediately following intense arousal. Dancers do a vigorous warm-up of African dance moves. They are sweating and moving in sync to a rhythm played by a group of drummers. The teacher then cues the students to stop their movement, cross arms over chest, breathe and to “find their center” (Artists Collective Performance, 1996). The third way that rhythmic movement helps youth overcome trauma relates to the imaginative, creative qualities of the arts that can help youth regain an internal locus of control. Finally, engagement in harmonious movement or music-making can reduce a sense of isolation that may result from traumatic experiences.

Macy, Macy, et al. (2003) explain that “rhythmicity is a universal phenomenon, observed in all life forms and therefore linking them all. Simply put, bringing this rhythmicity to one’s awareness, moving one’s body to a designated tempo, promotes connection, minimizing the experience of isolation” (p. 64). Berrol (1992) also speaks to the feelings of connection that can arise from “rhythm [which] helps to stimulate and to organize the individual’s behavior as well as to put him in time and step with others . . . the individual becomes a part of a collective, united by external rhythmic elements in synchronous movement” (pp. 26-27). This sense of connection is essential to the healing process (Berrol, 1992; Macy, Macy, et al., 2003).

Conclusion

Through a review of the literature and case illustration from one of the nation’s most exceptional inner city community arts centers, this article offers a strong rationale for the role of community arts centers in fostering resilience among inner city youth. It suggests that inner city arts centers may play an important role in mitigating the risk that youth are exposed to and bolstering protective factors. As the case of the Artists Collective demonstrates, community arts centers can provide safety often lacking on the city streets of Hartford. Moreover, it is a space for the community to be proud of, a place where youth feel they belong, and where they can experience a reality that is different from the surrounding neighborhood. For every minute that youth spend within this center, it is a minute where they are not exposed to the risk factors of the city streets. For ethnic or racial minority youth, it is a minute where they can celebrate and feel a sense of pride in their cultural heritage.

The arts are the tools that the individuals use to connect, teach, learn, and grow. It appears that youth participating in the Collective have reduced stress levels, improved academic performance, encouragement and motivation to stay off drugs and out of gangs. They are instilled with a sense of cultural pride, and the arts provide a forum where youth are challenged to achieve to the best of their ability, and in doing so, the center supports the development of perceived competence, self-esteem, emotional regulation, problem solving, and coping skills. The power of the center is also rooted in the relationships between the founders, the staff, and the participants. The warmth, support, and structure that is embedded in this community is similar to the “positive effect that good family functioning can have on development” (Gorman-Smith et al., 2005, p. 147). Although we focused our analysis on the Artists Collective, there are other model programs throughout the country that are similar assets to their communities (see for instance, Davis et al., 1993; Manchester Craftsmen’s Guild, 2010).

The promise exemplified in the case of the Artists Collective suggests the need to carry out more formal research on the role of community arts centers in fostering resilience among inner city youth. This research should investigate the impact of participation in community arts centers on a range of cognitive, behavioral, clinical, and social outcomes relevant to this population and setting. This includes, for example, reduced stress levels; reductions in mood and anxiety disorders; improved academic performance; reduced aggressive, impulsive, or delinquent behavior; improved emotional regulation; a greater sense of self-efficacy, self-esteem, and ethnic pride; and improved social functioning and strengthened positive social networks.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Alison M. Rhodes is a PhD candidate at the Boston College Graduate School of Social Work. Her doctoral research focuses on the role of yoga as a complementary treatment for women with chronic posttraumatic stress disorder. She also works on several research studies examining healing experiences after trauma.

Rachel Schechter is a senior research associate at Lexia Learning Systems and a doctoral candidate at Tufts University. Her PhD work focuses on understanding how multimedia tools impact student learning. Lexia Learning’s research focuses on integrating technology in education to support teachers’ ability to make data-driven decisions to teach reading.

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