Maritime Insecurity,Environmental Degradation and the Development of Nigeria’s Blue Economy

Introduction

The blue economy is the sum of the economic activities of ocean-based industries together with the assets, goods, and services provided by the marine ecosystems (Akpomera, 2020; Asua, 2022; OECD, 2019; World Bank, 2017). The development of Nigeria’s blue economy is inextricably tied to maritime security and environmental justice in the Niger Delta. The Niger Delta region is renowned for its ecological diversity, with its mangroves serving as home to a range of fish species such as shad, tilapia, Bonga, croakers, crayfish, finfish, catfish, sardines, shiny-nose, Polydactylus spp and carid shrimps (Asua et al., 2021; Saba et al., 2024). Studies have shown that over two million people (including women, youths and the elderly) in the region derive their livelihood from artisanal fishing, which also serves as the major source of animal protein and nutrition for the locals (Asua et al., 2021; Okafor-Yarwood, 2020). Saba et al. (2024) report that over 70% domestic fish supply caught by artisanal fishers comes from the region’s lakes. The region is also home to oil and gas deposits, covering 80% of the coastline. In addition to its oil wealth, the Niger Delta’s geostrategic position on the Atlantic is a critical maritime corridor for Nigeria to move crude to international markets and import needed goods. One implication of this situation is that the region is home to an array of water resources of immense economic value that can contribute to the growth of the blue economy in Nigeria.

The Nigerian government recognises the blue economy as a potential major contributor to the country’s economic growth and transformation. Nigeria has significant interests in offshore oil and gas (which contributed around 35% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP)), maritime trade and fisheries, thereby making blue projects of strategic importance to the country (Asua, 2022). According to Anozie et al. (2019), Nigeria accounts for more than 60% of all seaborne transportation in terms of volume and value in the West and Central African regions. Beyond these traditional advantages, the global ocean space is valued at over US$1.5 trillion annually, providing an estimated 30 million jobs and supplying animal-derived nutrients to approximately 3 billion people. With the new ocean-based activities, such as offshore renewable energy, and the growing interest in seabed mining, marine salt harvesting and marine biotechnology, the oceans have attracted the attention of political and economic planners (Akpomera, 2020; Nwosu et al., 2025).

Nevertheless, human activities have a significant impact on the environment and ocean ecosystems in Nigeria (as in other regions), particularly the coastal areas of Lagos State and the Niger Delta, as well as the future economic prospects of the blue economy. For instance, Lagos State ranks high in revenue generation in Nigeria, accounting for an estimated 25% of the country’s economy (World Bank, 2020). However, the coastal zone is impacted by severe pressures regardless of its abundance of resources and economic opportunities. Unplanned or ill-planned urbanisation has increased people’s exposure to toxic waste and poor sanitation, while flooding, coastal erosion and the ever-increasing rise in sea levels continue to undermine people’s lives and livelihood opportunities. As a result, the coastal zone is experiencing alarming environmental degradation, which is causing critical ecosystems like mangroves to degrade and assets like fishing grounds to be lost. An estimated US$8.397 billion or 8.6% of Lagos State’s GDP was spent on environmental degradation in the state’s coastal zone in 2018 alone (World Bank, 2020). Environmental degradation of this nature is often attributed to pollution (oil, waste and plastics), flooding, erosion and mangrove loss.

By the same token, the Niger Delta is susceptible to piracy, armed robbery at sea, and environmental degradation, such as oil pollution and spillages, which combine to grossly undermine the resilience and sustainability of Nigeria’s blue economy (Okafor-Yarwood, 2018; Oyewole, 2023). These maritime crimes are concentrated along the coastlines of the Niger Delta largely due to militancy and other unrest in the region. Indeed, these maritime crimes have spread outwards from the shore, with pirates now operating over a vast region extending hundreds of miles from the coast (Asua et al., 2021; Ifesinachi and Nwangwu, 2015). The frequency of attacks in the region undermines coastal economies. Oil pollution, spillage, chemicals and industrial waste affect the ocean, resulting in habitat degradation, fishery depletion, loss of biodiversity, and degeneration in human health (Andrews et al., 2021).

Over time, the federal and relevant sub-national Nigerian governments have been paying closer attention to the sustainable exploitation of the ocean and marine resources due to the growing desire to tap into the blue economy as the country’s frontier for development. For instance, in August 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu created the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy to formulate policies for the development of a sustainable blue economy. As Saba et al. (2024) posit, Nigeria’s blue economy is estimated to generate up to ₦7 trillion yearly, with the fisheries accounting for 20% of inputs if properly managed. Sokari (2018) argues that the blue economy is another great opportunity to return Nigeria to the path of industrialisation, sustainable growth and economic prosperity. Accordingly, sustainable exploitation of the blue economy is necessary for economic development and wealth creation. However, the considerable increase in the government’s interest in bolstering Nigeria’s blue economy is placed on economic benefits; consequently, the ongoing destruction of the marine environment, illegal/criminal maritime activities, and the disregard for coastal well-being in the Niger Delta have yet to be halted. Among other factors, the inability of governments at different levels to prioritise and satisfy the needs of coastal populations impinges on the development of the blue economy in the region.

In light of the aforementioned, it is necessary to put the blue economy paradigm into context and analyse its inherent contradictions, potentialities and challenges in the Niger Delta. The blue economy paradigm presents a valuable opportunity for the Niger Delta to enhance food security, as a significant portion of the population depends on fisheries for vital nutrients and their livelihoods. By addressing the concerns related to unsustainable fishing practices in coastal and offshore waters, the region can improve the management of fish stocks and reduce maritime insecurity. Moreover, while Nigeria’s economy relies heavily on oil and gas resources extracted from offshore deposits, there is great potential to balance these interests with environmental protection. By adopting more sustainable practices, Nigeria can mitigate the impact of oil spills and pollution on marine ecosystems. With a concerted effort to promote the sustainable use of marine resources, the blue economy initiative can pave the way for a greener and more resilient future in the Niger Delta, benefitting both the environment and the local communities.

In light of the above, this paper aims to identify and examine how several barriers, such as communal-level maritime insecurity and oil pollution due to oil and gas exploration, among others, impede the development of the blue economy in the Niger Delta. While referencing other coastal regions in Nigeria where necessary, this study focuses on the Niger Delta because the region is the longest geomorphic unit in the country (450 km) and appears to have the richest mineral and biological resources in the Gulf of Guinea (Zabbey et al., 2019). Nonetheless, the mangroves of the Niger Delta are among the least preserved and most degraded.

Conceptualising the blue economy

The blue economy is a relatively new concept that focuses on the sustainability of the ocean’s economy. The blue economy assumed global prominence during the 2012 United Nations (UN) Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro (Rio + 20). Despite the reception of the term at the conference, political leaders from Small Island Developing States (SIDS) questioned the concept and its applicability within their marine ecosystem, calling for more intensive consideration and coordinated action in adapting the ‘green economy’ to the ‘blue world’ (Rasowo et al., 2020). By conceptualising oceans and other water bodies as ‘developing spaces’ that offer opportunities for sustainable development, the blue economy seeks to incorporate the tenets of the ‘green economy’ into a paradigm shift in the sustainable management of coastal water bodies and related resources (Choi, 2017; Garland et al., 2019).

The World Bank (2017) describes the blue economy as the sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, improved livelihoods and job opportunities while preserving the health of the ocean environment. The blue economy sees oceans and seas as developmental spaces that coastal and small island nations can include in national planning and action in areas like sustainable conservation, fishing resources, oil and mineral wealth extraction, marine transportation, sustainable energy production, and bioprospecting (Ibrahim, 2018). The World Bank (2017) further highlighted the diverse components of the blue economy to include traditional ocean industries such as fisheries, aquaculture, tourism, ports and maritime transport, as well as the new and emerging industries, such as offshore renewable energy, seabed extractive activities and bioprospecting. Globally, it is estimated that ocean-based industries and activities contribute about US$2.5 trillion per annum (3% of GDP) and create millions of jobs (UNCTAD, 2014; World Bank, 2017). Indeed, ocean industries are forecast to be the key drivers of global economic growth, with the estimated value doubling in size from US$1.5 trillion yearly in global value to US$3 trillion in 2030 (OECD, 2020).

Consequently, the blue economy is acknowledged in the African Union’s Agenda 2063 as having the ability to significantly contribute to the development and growth of the continent. This is emphasised in the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (2050 AIM Strategy), designed to develop a prosperous maritime economy by generating revenue from Africa’s oceans, seas, and inland waterways (African Union [AU], 2014). This AU strategy clearly aligns with Goal 14 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which focuses on the conservation and sustainable use of marine resources. By managing fisheries, aquaculture, and tourism sustainably, SDG Target 14.7 seeks to improve the economic advantages to SIDS and coastally least-developed countries from the sustainable use of marine resources (UN, 2014). Nigeria’s blue economy strategy is aligned with that of the AU and covers all waters in oceans, coasts, lakes, rivers, dams and underground water. It aims to diversify the economy beyond oil and sustainably harness marine resources for economic growth and job creation while also ensuring environmental sustainability (Anagor-Ewuzie, 2023).

Coastal and island states have made claims of sovereignty over their ocean spaces and resources by defining boundaries between their overlapping maritime zones in accordance with the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) (Colgan, 2018). The UNCLOS sets out the legal framework for all ocean-related activities, including provisions on the state’s national jurisdiction over the ocean space, access to the seas, navigation, exploitation of maritime resources, scientific research, seabed mining, and the settlement of disputes concerning the application and interpretation of the convention (UN, 1982).

Context and methods

The Niger Delta region has an abundance of both oil and gas resources. Petroleum, the mainstay of the Nigerian economy, is widely available in the region and accounts for more than 90% of the country’s total exports and 80% of its revenues (Onuoha, 2013). The oil-rich states of Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers in southern Nigeria, which are predominantly populated by ethnic minorities, make up the geo-economic region known as the Niger Delta. The region is one of the world’s largest wetlands and the largest wetland in Africa, with a surface area of 70,000 square kilometres (Akpabio and Akpan, 2010). The region is famous for its lowland rainforest, freshwater, permanent and seasonal swamp forests, brackish or saline mangroves and sandy coastal ridge barriers. Many rivers, rivulets, streams, canals and creeks traverse the entire region. The Atlantic Ocean’s tides constantly buffet the coastline, while several rivers, most notably the River Niger, regularly cause flooding on the mainland. Most people who live in the Niger Delta, a region with a rich historical and cultural heritage, are farmers and fishers (Akpabio and Akpan, 2010). According to Okafor-Yarwood (2017), fishing is not only valued as a source of sustenance but also as a hub of cultural traditions that must be conserved. Most of the International Oil Companies (IOCs) in Nigeria, including Shell Petroleum Development Company, Sapiem Nigeria Limited, Mobil, Chevron Nigeria Limited, Agip Oil Company Limited and Total-Elf-Fina, have their regional or national offices in the Niger Delta (Ajodo-Adebanjoko, 2019; Figure 1).

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Figure 1.

Map of the Niger Delta showing the study areas.

Data gathering and analysis for the study were based on the qualitative method, comprising focus group discussions (FGDs), key informant interviews (KIIs), field observation and secondary data relevant to the study. Participants were drawn from six coastal local government areas―Ibeno and Oron Local Government Areas (LGAs) in Akwa Ibom State, Nembe and Brass LGAs in Bayelsa State, and Khana and Dariama LGAs in Rivers State. The researchers used a mapping technique to compile a list of key stakeholders and informants who are directly impacted by threats to the maritime environment and have the most up-to-date knowledge on the subject because of their direct involvement as fisher folks, victims, repentant militants, peace brokers and security response team members. A total of 12 FGDs involving 6 participants each (all 18 years and above) were conducted (two from each LGA). Purposive and snowball techniques were used to draw the sample for FGDs, which balanced gender and occupation. Participants were purposively drawn using the following criteria: membership in small-scale fisheries, boat operators, youth groups, all genders, and residency of 10 years or more. Consequently, a total of 72 people participated in the FGD. Similarly, the researchers conducted 6 KIIs involving village heads, security personnel, peace brokers and coastal community traders.

Among others, the FGD and KII participants were asked to talk about the maritime and environmental challenges facing the economic activities in the Niger Delta. The FGDs and KIIs were carried out during several fieldwork sessions between March and July 2022. As a complementary approach, the researchers carried out a desk review of relevant literature, including scholarly publications, media reports and government (official) documents on maritime security, environmental degradation and the development of the blue economy. The FGDs and KIIs were conducted in both English and indigenous languages with the assistance of some literate community members. A qualitative descriptive method was employed in describing and analysing all the data generated. Data generated were transcribed and logically analysed, beginning with text segment isolation, followed by grouping of text segments, establishing categories, and developing themes.

Geostrategic significance of Nigeria’s blue economy

Nigeria’s complete coastline, which abuts the Atlantic Ocean in the Gulf of Guinea, is estimated to be 853 km long. About 70,000 square kilometres of Nigeria’s coastline is found in the Niger Delta, with abundant and changing marine natural resources (NIMASA, 2018). Although Danladi et al. (2017) morphologically classified Nigeria’s coastal area into two geographical zones, namely, the Western coast (the Lagos region) and the Eastern coast (the Niger Delta region), the Nigerian navy recognises three naval commands: Western, Eastern and Central commands. This classification reflects not only the strategic and security concerns along Nigeria’s coastline but also underscores the diverse economic opportunities that arise from the country’s maritime resources. The importance of the blue economy in Nigeria cannot be overstated, especially considering the role of maritime transport in international trade, which amounts to more than 70% of the country’s income and more than 95% of its volume of trade (NIMASA, 2018). Nigeria’s blue economy is defined by a combination of established traditional maritime sectors such as oil and gas, fishery, aquaculture, shipping and emerging sectors such as marine biotechnology, renewable energy, offshore power, shipbuilding, seabed extraction, deep sea mining, blue carbon sequestration, and support network and repair (Aniefiok, 2021; Asua, 2022). Needless to say, Nigeria stands to benefit immensely from these enormous maritime potentialities in the latter category if they are properly harnessed. The implication of this is that sustainable exploitation of resources in the blue economy can lead to job creation, improved food security, tourism and infrastructural development.

Available data show that Nigeria’s blue economy potential is valued at US$296 billion (Anagor-Ewuzie, 2023). Offshore oil and gas (the marine portion of Nigeria’s oil and gas industry) contributes a total of US$8 billion annually to the country’s economy, while maritime freight contributes approximately between US$5 billion and US$6 billion annually (Aniefiok, 2021). About 95% of foreign exchange earnings and 80% of all revenue accruing to the federal account come from crude oil, which is the foundation of the economy, and is predicted to remain strong for at least a few decades (Adibe, 2016). In 2019, Nigeria produced an estimated 780,000 barrels per day (bpd) of crude oil, or 39% of Nigeria’s 2 million bpd total production offshore (Aniefiok, 2021). The country planned to boost its oil production capacity from around 2 million bpd to 3 million bpd by 2023 while concentrating on expanding its upstream output through strategic alliances and investments (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2020). In addition, investments in Nigeria’s Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) are expected to increase natural gas output by 35%, generating an estimated US$20 billion in net revenue, 10,000 direct jobs and 40,000 indirect jobs (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2020). In accordance with the government’s efforts to boost oil production, thirty-three field development plans were approved in 2023 to develop approximately 1309.83 estimated oil reserves and 10.25 trillion cubic feet (TCF) of oil and gas, as reported by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC, 2024). Furthermore, the government approved 89 well-drilling proposals out of a total of 140 proposals throughout various operational territories. In addition, with an expected daily average of 1,515,353 million barrels, the total oil output for 2023 was 457,866,880 barrels of oil against 429,795,513 oil output for 2022 (NUPRC, 2024).

According to Okafor-Yarwood et al. (2020), Nigeria is on pace to receive up to 25% of the predicted US$194 billion boom in capital flow into Africa. Even though the ‘resource curse’ has been extensively studied with emphasis on the counter-intuitive (and sometimes harmful) consequences of resource endowment on economic development (Natural Resource Governance Institute, 2015), it is still believed that oil wealth can lead to widespread development. Communities in the Niger Delta that are close to oil production infrastructure have a high expectation of improving their economic well-being as a result of revenues, jobs, compensation, or other ‘trickle-down’ impacts from the oil exploration in their region. Because of the relatively high quantity of profits, Nigerian governments often prioritise oil development above fisheries, which can result in conflicts with fishers, territorial issues and social repercussions for coastal communities (Adibe et al., 2021).

Artisanal or small-scale fisheries are the largest and greatest employment sub-sector in the marine industry, with an estimated 10 million working directly and 19.6 million working indirectly in Nigeria (Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), 2025; Saba et al., 2024). In some cases, women constitute 50% of the fishing workforce, who are working mainly in the post-harvest sector (FAO, 2025). Around 50% of the world’s catch is produced by artisanal fishers, who also contribute to the cultural life of their communities, employment and livelihoods. Okafor-Yarwood and Onuoha (2023) argue that about 200 million Africans rely on fisheries for food and nutritional security. For instance, fish consumption is estimated to be 13.3 kg per person annually in Nigeria, which is lower than the global estimate of 20.3 kg per person annually (Saba et al., 2024).

In Nigeria, the fishing industry is essential for the production of national income, fish products and food security. Approximately US$1 billion is added annually to the national economy through fishing operations, and both capture and aquaculture account for 3%–4% of Nigeria’s GDP annually (NIMASA, 2018; Saba et al., 2024). Small-scale and industrial fisheries make up the two main segments of Nigeria’s fishing industry. Low capital expenditures, limited use of technology, low operating costs, high labour intensity, a cheap fish distribution network and a focus on local markets characterise small-scale operations. Despite these limitations, Nigeria’s domestic fish industry remains hugely reliant on small-scale fisheries, which contribute more than 70% of the overall fish production. The small-scale exploitation of the marine fisheries resources is carried out mainly by over 600,000 families (Adibe et al., 2021).

Small-scale fishing is virtually completely intended for human consumption and directly affects both local and national food security. Notwithstanding, Asua (2022) avers that it is often overlooked and left out of national planning despite being such a significant and crucial sector for livelihoods and food security. In 2022, for instance, no fewer than 613,800 persons were reportedly involved in small-scale fishing (FAO, 2025). With its significant capital expenditure and advanced technology application, the industrial fishing sector is characteristically opposite to the small-scale sector (Adibe, 2016). On average, it contributes roughly 3.7% of domestic fish production. Its main advantage is its ability to earn foreign currency through the export of frozen shrimp, which has an estimated annual value of US$ 20 million. More than 20,000 people work in this industry, and there are roughly 500,000 fish retailers. The industry owns and operates 226 trawlers in total, and trawler purchases are overcapitalised (Adibe, 2016). More recently, the President of the Nigerian Trawler Owners Association (NITOA), Mrs. Bennedette Okonkwo, indicated that about 150 trawlers are operational in the country, with many struggling to work at full capacity due to high operational costs (Agbota, 2024).

Although tuna and mesopelagic fishes have a high potential output for the fishing industry, they are not fully utilised due to the high cost and technologies required for harvesting them (Adibe, 2016). Nigeria’s yearly demand for fish is estimated to be 1.5 million metric tonnes, but the country’s production is just 0.4 million metric tonnes, leaving a 1.1-million-tonne gap. Nigeria, with the deficit imports fish products for internal use to make up the deficit (Central Bank of Nigeria, 2019). In addition, the nation is investing in aquaculture to fulfil the needs of its expanding population and promote job creation. Currently, sub-Saharan Africa is the top producer of fish for aquaculture. Nigeria currently controls 54% of the sub-region’s total production, and it is predicted to maintain its dominance as the aquaculture industry is anticipated to boost production from 307,000 metric tonnes in 2016 to 418,000 metric tonnes in 2030, a staggering increase of 36.2% in less than 15 years (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2020). Furthermore, the global aquaculture production is expected to increase to 106 million tonnes in 2030, and Nigeria is expected to increase production from 1,045,000 tonnes in 2020 to 1,208,000 tonnes in 2030 (FAO, 2025).

The Nigerian economy also gains from a range of commercial infrastructure, including inter-island terminal quays, cargo handling, bunkering, warehousing, technical services, cargo discharge, handling, and stevedoring (Asua, 2022). The Nigerian economy depends heavily on international shipping and its affiliates. About 95% of Nigeria’s international trade is moved by sea transport, which is accounted for by maritime transportation (Anozie et al., 2019). Nigeria has navigable inland waterways and a long coastline, which accounts for nearly 80% of all shipping activity along the coast of West Africa (Peretomode, 2014). Nigeria’s annual freight expenditure is projected to range between US$5 and US$6 billion, despite the country’s limited involvement in content (Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 2016). Anozie et al. (2019) report that between 2009 and 2012, ship calls to Nigeria increased from 82 to 150 million tonnes, with an expected payment rise of US$4.1 to US$7.5 billion. As Nwosu et al. (2025) note, the Lagos port handled over two million twenty-four equivalent units of containers in 2021. Regrettably, Nigeria’s participation was zero during this time. This implies that foreign companies in the maritime transport sector made annual freight payments. However, Nigeria lost a significant amount of money due to capital flight that is remitted overseas by the owners of the foreign fleets that control the Nigerian maritime industry as a result of this economically unfavourable scenario.

The marine ecosystem plays a significant role in generating energy from renewable sources such as tidal and wave power, offshore wind farms and ocean currents (Rasowo et al., 2020). Renewable energy is the new frontier with huge potential. Beyond renewable energy, substantial investment in marine biotechnology, coastal tourism, carbon sequestration and other ecosystem services offers immense potential for fostering economic growth and development in Nigeria. Marine biotechnology focuses on studying and utilising a wide range of marine organisms that contain valuable chemical compounds, enzymes and bioactive substances for use in pharmaceuticals, biomaterials, healthcare and the beauty industry. Research has shown that marine bacteria can serve as a rich source of new drugs and play a crucial role in the advancement of antibiotics (Rasowo et al., 2020). Coastal tourism is a major ocean-based industry and a vital source of foreign revenue (Anammah and Ezenyimulu, 2024). In 2018, the contribution of coastal tourism was estimated at US$80 billion, while the contribution to employment was at 24 million jobs in Africa at an annual growth rate of 5.6% compared with the global average of 3.9% (AU-IBAR, 2019). This offers a potential opportunity for economic development in Nigeria. The Niger Delta is a favoured destination for many tourists due to its favourable climate, stunning landscapes, pristine beaches and warm hospitality. However, tourism relies on the health of the natural ecosystem, security and infrastructure to maintain its appeal as a preferred tourist destination. Coastal tourism can serve as a significant driver of Nigeria’s blue economy.

Nigeria has various laws governing activities within its maritime ecosystem, such as the Sea Fisheries Act of 1992, the NIMASA Act of 2007, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), and other legislations. Some of these laws have become outdated and need to be reviewed to address emerging maritime concerns (Anammah and Ezenyimulu, 2024). For example, the Sea Fisheries Act of 1992 lacks provisions for certain modern fisheries sustainability principles that were not contemplated at the time of its enactment. In the final phase of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the Expanded Committee on Sustainable Blue Economy in Nigeria (ECSBEN) was established on 17 January 2022 for the actualisation of the blue economy vision. Alongside ECSBEN, the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy was created in 2023 to drive the country’s vision for harnessing ocean resources (Anammah and Ezenyimulu, 2024). Although the Nigerian government approved a 10-year National Policy on Marine and Blue Economy in May 2025 as a foundational document for long-term sectoral transformation, progress in the industry is still slow, as more practical measures for full-scale development remain limited.

Challenges to the development of Nigeria’s blue economy

Data analysis revealed that Nigeria’s blue economy faces a variety of challenges, primarily due to human exploitative activities and natural occurrences. While the Western coast (the Lagos region) is not exempted from these challenges, their pervasiveness in the Eastern coast (the Niger Delta) reinforces the choice of the Niger Delta as the context of this study on blue economy development in Nigeria. About 80% of the Niger Delta coastline is composed of oil reserves and biodiversity (Okunomo, 2023). It is, therefore, crucial to address these issues, which range from armed robbery at sea, unsustainable fishing practices and oil spillage to artisanal crude oil refining, in a coordinated and creative manner.

Armed robbery at sea targeting small-scale fisheries

Rentier management of hydrocarbon resources makes Nigeria’s oil wealth distinctive. Rentier resource management refers to a situation whereby extractive resources are controlled and allocated by those who act on behalf of the state, with the resources often allocated to themselves. The consequence of this includes incessant unrest against the Nigerian government, often resulting in violent conflicts and oil-related crimes that have spread beyond the land boundaries to the high seas and coastal waterways (Adibe et al., 2019), which affect the development of the blue economy. Among oil-related crimes, armed maritime robberies (also referred to as piracy, albeit erroneously) driven by individual financial gain have increased in prevalence (Ifesinachi and Nwangwu, 2015). The bottom line is that the fishing industry, the fish and the fishers are all negatively impacted by armed robbery at sea. Traditional small-scale fisheries (SSFs) in the Niger Delta coastal zone are characterised by straightforward cluster fishing boats such as small, wooden canoe fleets of 10–20 m long, which are paddled or motorised in shallow waters. The marine region of 46,000 km within the creeks, with an estimated 3–5 nautical mile radius from the shoreline, also boasts trawlers (Olaoye and Ojebiyi, 2018). Fish species such as bonga, sardine, redbelly tilapia, pink shrimp and mudfish can be found in the coastal zone (Adongoi, 2016).

The SSFs mostly work with women in coastal areas to harness these marine assets. For fish supplies from marine water sources (the Atlantic Ocean, Niger Delta estuaries and brackish waters), the majority of coastal residents rely on the SSFs. The development of the blue economy in the region depends on the sustainable utilisation of its maritime resources and the facilitation of secure ocean navigation. The safety of fishers is threatened by the prevalence of armed robbery at sea. It jeopardises the Niger Delta’s attempts to capitalise on the opportunities offered by its marine resources and domains for the sustainable development of its population. Due to the nature of the crime and the overall ineffective monitoring and management of fisheries in the zone, it has been challenging to determine the true effects of the danger.

Despite this, data from the FGDs demonstrate that frequent takeovers of fishing vessels attest to blue economy concerns, particularly fish as food, which has led to a decline in the benefits from fish stocks, as fish merchants are unable to exercise control over their fishing vessels. The subsequent effect of this security deadlock is the gradual diminution of fish captured and arriving at the fishing markets. An estimated 30%–40% of the captured fish currently gets to the buyers and vendors due to the frequent attacks on fishing vessels (Asua et al., 2021). A participant in one of the FGDs with the fisher folks indicates that

The theft of fishing boats has caused a shortage of fish in the markets, endangering local residents’ ability to consume fish as well as fish used for commerce. Although local fish are expensive due to their scarcity, our people prefer them since they are healthy and fresh. Our only source of income has been destroyed by this theft of fishing boats, which has also had a negative impact on the coastal region’s food security, education, health, and overall well-being. (FGD with fisher folks, Oron LGA, 23 March 2022)

Also, in an interview, a village chief states that

People are dying daily from sea robbery attacks and hunger. Our sole source of food is the sea, but tragically, sea robbers have taken over the sea, leaving my people without hope of life. We have no land on which to grow crops; there is water everywhere; there is no timber for logging; we are frustrated. (KII with village head, Oron LGA, 15 May 2022)

These findings indicate that SSFs are forced out of business, while fishmongers – who are primarily women – have less access to fish supplies to sell. The village chief claims that regular acts of armed robbery at sea that target fishing vessels are to blame for the shortage of fish. As a result of the reduced catch that reaches the shoreline and the resulting loss of revenue for SSFs, the risk to their personal security increases, and food insecurity increases in coastal communities that depend on fisheries for survival. Given that millions of people in the region rely on fishing for a living, this poses a serious threat to their economic security. In addition, the local consumers’ nutritional well-being is in danger, as are the terrible economic effects on the populace. The achievement of SDG 14 and the development of fisheries as an integral component of the blue economy, which aims to ensure the sustainable use of marine and ocean resources, are under threat. This is partly due to the over-reliance on crude oil as the backbone of the economy, alongside challenges such as oil spills.

All the village heads interviewed confirmed that the central and sub-national governments frequently prioritised oil development over fisheries, due in part to the relative size of revenues from oil. The lack of human resources and insufficient financial investments to mitigate the attacks on fishing boats are indications of this. Okafor-Yarwood (2017) argues that the Nigerian Department of Fisheries is underfunded, has inadequate monitoring capabilities and employs unskilled field officers who have little to no expertise in collecting data on fisheries. Similarly, Asua et al. (2021) also report that inadequate funding, untrained personnel and poor monitoring significantly contribute to the mismanagement of Nigeria’s fisheries. Armed thieves at sea took advantage of the gaps, such as inadequate monitoring and an under-policed maritime domain, making fishing vessels easy targets. On 20 July 2014, armed robbers at sea attacked a vessel on the Ogbia-Nembe in Bayelsa, leading to the killing of two persons, in addition to cash and valuables stolen from other passengers (Ifesinachi and Nwangwu, 2015). FGD reveals that

Government attention to the suffering of fishermen is not as great as it is in the oil industry. This is due to the lack of security coverage on fishing trawlers and vessel navigational routes. Sea robbers frequently assume the identities of sailors when committing the crime. The waterways are still unprotected despite several security alerts. Although we are paying taxes, the government appears to be neglecting our security concerns. (FGD with victims of attacks, Brass LGA, 4 April 2022)

Consequently, armed robbery at sea affects the human security of coastal communities, as its impacts are reflected in a reduced catch for fishers, which in turn results in fewer fish to sell and thus impairs their ability to meet the food security needs of their families and the community. In the Niger Delta, armed robbery at sea robs SSFs of the scant resources available, having for so long experienced the depleting effects of pollution by multinational oil firms in the region (Okafor-Yarwood, 2018). It is important to note that FGDs have recognised the depletion of fisheries and the lack of alternative sources of income as factors that encourage young people from coastal areas to commit armed robberies at sea. Since fishers are reluctant to confess their involvement, the paucity of statistical data makes it impossible to establish direct evidence in the area. However, there is evidence that suggests that fishers commit armed robberies at sea or even serve as lookouts for criminals (KII with anonymous Joint Task Force (JTF) team member, Khana LGA, 3 May 2022). The fishers may have abandoned their trade or turned to crime as a result of threats or compensation by criminal elements to conceal their illegal activities from the authorities, especially given the rising unemployment in the region (KII with an anonymous senior naval officer, Khana LGA, 3 May 2022). All the interviewed security officers deployed in the region affirmed that some youths are employed as navigators since they are more familiar with specific coastline routes in the area. In corroboration, Okafor-Yarwood (2020, p. 131) reveals that

The typical engine size for a fishing boat is 15 horsepower, so when you see one approaching with 75 horsepower, which is roughly equivalent to a speedboat, you immediately assume that the person is planning to rob you. These neighbourhood fishermen are also employed as bait for armed robberies in order to locate possible targets for an attack.

These issues prevent fishers from providing for their families’ food security needs. They also threaten the blue economy because they deprive coastal communities of the capacity needed to develop their fishery industries and strengthen their ability to withstand threats.

Unsustainable fishing practices

Increased competition for the dwindling stock of fish in the Niger Delta has resulted in fishers resorting to the use of prohibited fishing gears, such as dynamite, cyanide poison and explosives, to secure their livelihoods. Unsustainable fishing activity affects the marine ecosystem and threatens the provision of current and potential ocean services. Moreover, various services co-depend on the environment, wherein the health of one sector can be damaged by the activity in another, regardless of how well-managed the first sector is. This may be shown from the analysis of the FGD, which reveals that some fishers engage in fishing using prohibited fishing gear or are involved in fishing in prohibited areas, including beyond the authorised 5 nautical miles (FGD with fishing stakeholders, Nembe LGA, 4 May 2022). To them, they are only travelling to where the fish are and/or fishing using the equipment available to them in order to compensate for diminished fish capture. Nevertheless, the impact of unsustainable fishing practices undermines the longer-term sustainability of fishing resources. As one of our FGDs notes, these fishing practices can (1) produce reduced or contaminated catches, (2) increase mortality for targeted species, and (3) cause a loss of access to target species. First, reduced or contaminated catches are often experienced due to the use of cyanide poison, which contaminates fish when deposited where the target species are clustered. Second, the mortality of target species (due to the catch of juvenile fish) leads to a decline in population size and density. Finally, loss of access to target species is mainly due to their displacement from formerly suitable habitats. In summary, these unsustainable fishing practices further aggravate the demands and difficulties encountered by coastal people. The idea of the blue economy remains a tall dream for millions of fishmongers who depend on the coastal industry for their existence.

Oil spillage and coastal community livelihoods

The entire area of the Niger Delta has over 1000 oilfields located within extensive mangrove swamp forests and wetland areas (Onuh et al., 2021). The majority of the communities are home to several oilfields run by IOCs, including Shell Petroleum Development Company (Nigeria) Ltd. (SPDC), a partnership between the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC), Mobil, Elf and Agip. The operations of these oil firms have led to oil spills, environmental degradation and ecological despoliation of the region (Agwu et al., 2022; Leonard, 2016; Nwangwu, 2023; UN Environmental Programme (UNEP), 2011; Watts, 2012), which worsens the danger to the marine ecosystem in the area and lessens its value as a source of food. In particular, since the region’s oil extraction began in 1958, over 10,000 occurrences of oil spillage have led to the leakage of an estimated 13 million barrels of oil in the area (Okafor-Yarwood, 2020). The IOCs that operate in the area blame pipeline sabotage and/or vandalism for the majority of these spillages (Whanda et al., 2017). However, some of the oil companies’ pipelines are in poor condition, with many spills resulting from rusted and outdated infrastructure. While sabotage undoubtedly contributes to many of the oil spill incidents in the Niger Delta, it is clear that infrastructure deterioration also plays a significant role. Between 1976 and 2019, for instance, there were 13,555 oil leaks in the Niger Delta due to neglect, mishaps, sabotage, tapping, bunkering and artisanal refining (Andrews et al., 2021).

Furthermore, small-scale spills that occur as a result of routine oil infrastructure operation and maintenance are highly damaging and affect many parts of the world. The oilfield disaster in 2011 at Bonga, which involved a facility owned by Shell Nigeria, is only one recent instance of oil firms’ pollution (Okafor-Yarwood, 2018). A rough estimate of 40,000 barrels of crude oil was released, and it spread over the Atlantic coast for 185 km (Nwangwu, 2023). An estimated 30,000 fishers have given up fishing, which is their main – if not only – means of livelihood due to these incidents (Okafor-Yarwood, 2020). Oil’s low density leads it to rise to the surface of both water and land, hurting the vital livelihoods of many coastal residents who depend on SSFs, an integral part of the blue economy. The damage has an impact on both land and aquatic life, as well as on people. Oil spills cause human misery, especially in the affected populations, and harm the coastal ecosystem. This is because people whose livelihood depends on fishing usually cannot conduct business for months while they wait for the clean-up activities to be completed, if ever. Another example: on 17 May 2018, a crude oil spill in Ekeremor LGA of Bayelsa, which negatively impacted fishing – a major source of income – and polluted nearby rivers, creeks, and rivulets, occurred at a facility owned by SPDC, where fish and other aquatic life were exterminated. An interview with a village chief in Nembe reveals the negative effects of oil spillage on the aquatic environment as follows:

The affected river is one of the major sources of drinking water, but since this spillage occurred, drinking water and fishing, which is the major occupation of the people, have been adversely affected, as they cannot drink the water, while SSF can no longer fish again as it ought to. (KII with a village chief, Nembe LGA, 6 May 2022)

Furthermore, FGD with stakeholders from Khana LGA reveals that

Lack of proper management led to oil leaks that polluted the coastal environment, and some of these pollutions were brought on by rusted pipes that were no longer safe to use. Oil firms’ poor environmental management and disregard for the marine environment are also obvious in the way they conduct haphazard clean-up operations or do nothing at all, which harms the marine ecosystem over the long term. (FGD with stakeholders, Khana LGA, 5 July 2022)

The consensus among FGD participants also shows that the government’s weak institutional capacity to hold the IOCs accountable makes them less concerned about protecting the environment in which they operate, unlike their operations, particularly in their countries of origin in the global North, where they are held accountable for their actions. Beyond the immediate impact on the marine environment, the spills cause financial loss to the households affected, which results in poverty, malnutrition, ill-health and the suspension of their children’s schooling. This undermines efforts to build a robust blue economy, which aims to advance social inclusion, enhance livelihoods, provide employment, sustainably preserve the quality of the ocean ecosystem and guarantee political stability (UNEP, 2015).

Artisanal refining of crude oil in the Niger Delta

The quantity of crude oil in the Niger Delta has surely drawn a large number of oil exploration and exploitation activities to the area, which also comes with different degrees of negative consequences for the ecosystem and the oil reserve. Since there are so many artisanal refineries in the area, the hydrosphere, lithosphere, atmosphere and biosphere have all suffered immense environmental harm as a result (Onuh et al., 2021). While recent studies have linked the threat of environmental degradation to oil pollution from onshore and offshore operations by IOCs in the area, the actions of artisanal refiners also play a role. The processing of crude oil that has been unlawfully extracted utilising local tools, resources, and expertise takes place in the bushes. About 1650 km of crude oil pipelines crisscross the Niger Delta, and the majority of the stolen crude used in artisanal refining comes from taps that have been unlawfully installed (both on drylands and underwater).

With hundreds of improvised artisanal refineries in the region, typically hidden in oil-soaked clearings and run by thousands of unemployed youths, this illicit business has grown tremendously over the years (Stakeholders Democracy Network, 2015). According to Owolabi (2017), the JTF demolished up to 194 unauthorised refineries between 2016 and 2017, confiscated ₦420 billion worth of crude oil and diesel, or US$1.3 billion, and detained more than 748 operators. In addition, the NNPC estimated that the monthly crude oil losses to artisanal oil processing totalled roughly US$700 million (Okungbowa, 2022). Accordingly, Nigeria lost US$10 billion to this crime between January and July 2022, which is equal to ₦4.3 trillion (at the official exchange rate of ₦430 to the dollar) and represents more than half of Nigeria’s foreign reserves. Competitive economic gain essentially defines the artisanal refining framework. An FGD participant discloses that

The foundation for the anti-state mobilisation that manifests in the form of oil theft, militancy, and artisanal refining continues to be the neglect of development in local communities and the environmental pollution associated with oil production. Additionally, within the context of illegal production, each group of refiners is made up of numerous intra-group refiners. (FGD with youth leaders, Dariama LGA, 10 June 2022)

Similarly, persistent social conflict has been brought on by local populations’ feelings of discontent and poverty. The continuous artisanal refining and violent resistance are the result of widespread injustice, corruption, elite capture, dispossession of the local population, and a lack of actual benefits (Onuh et al., 2021). The large number of private and public participants, including community leaders, hired youth, fishers, politicians, oil company employees, and government security personnel, involved in artisanal refining has accentuated the complexity of the maritime crime, thereby exacerbating the pollution of freshwater resources, fishing estuaries, vegetation, and farmlands in the Niger Delta.

Conclusion

The findings of this study have reinforced the point that the blue economy in the Niger Delta faces serious challenges, ranging from an armed robbery at sea, unsustainable fishing practices, oil spillage, to artisanal crude oil refining. Despite being one of the geo-economic regions with the greatest natural resource endowments, the region’s potential for sustainable development has not yet been completely realised. One reason for this is that the region is on fragile ground, which deprives it of the benefits of the ocean economy due to environmental deterioration. The continued contamination of the Niger Delta by oil companies and illicit refining activities has further betrayed the government’s unpreparedness in dealing with the challenges facing the blue economy in Nigeria. As such, it is a deliberate failure on the part of regulatory organisations that environmental regulations are not being enforced. The growing pollution of freshwater sources, fishing estuaries, vegetation and farmlands requires thorough clean-up operations, adequate compensation for affected communities, and concerted measures to gainfully employ youth and deflect attention away from unlawful businesses.

Failure to solve these problems has had negative economic effects on oil and gas production. The social, economic and political demands of the region must be taken into account to reduce the effects of the aforementioned issues. By doing so, it may be possible to lessen the escalation of grievances, which is essential for preserving physical safety and promoting human dignity. Without effective local community participation in policymaking and implementation at all levels of governance, sustainable blue economy development in the Niger Delta is difficult – if not impossible – to be achieved. Improvements in SSF safety and security, as well as fast attention to environmental degradation, are also urgently required.

The blue economy may offer some solutions to the underlying causes of maritime insecurity and environmental crises in the region. Beyond the Nigerian government’s creation of the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy and the approval of a 10-year National Policy on Marine and Blue Economy, the dynamics and mechanisms of Nigeria’s ocean governance in the region require effective policy implementation. Hence, it is necessary to implement sustainable maritime policies and update out-of-date laws, such as the Inland Fisheries Act (No 108) of 1992, to reflect sustainability principles. Strategic planning and management frameworks that embed effective governance, pertinent policies and significant investment in the area are necessary for the development of the blue economy in the country. To achieve these, it is necessary to establish supportive maritime policies and legal, regulatory and institutional frameworks, identify priority blue growth sectors, invest in the management and protection of marine natural resources, collaborate and share knowledge, and build a solid human resource base and marine science capability. It is necessary to take some basic blue economy measurements to inform the Niger Delta’s blue economy planning, investment, and monitoring processes. Finally, it is recommended that investment efforts be concentrated on key blue economy sectors with the potential for significant economic rewards in order to promote speedier development.