Mapping the Life Satisfaction of Adolescents in Hong Kong Secondary Schools With High Ethnic Concentration

Abstract

The present study aims to map the life satisfaction of adolescents from ethnic minority/immigrant backgrounds in schools with high concentrations of co-ethnic peers by comparing them with their mainstream counterparts in Hong Kong. The life satisfaction of 1,522 students was measured by the validated Multidimensional Students’ Life Satisfaction Scale. Tests of invariance were conducted followed by latent mean analysis. In contrast to the public debates on the undesirability of co-ethnic education, the findings do not suggest negative associations between the ethnic minority or immigrant status of these students and their self-appraised global and specific life satisfaction in school and with friends. This study confirms that a school factor exists and that there are significant differences in the life satisfaction of the student groups under review. Educating students in schools with high concentrations of co-ethnic peers appears to benefit South Asians but not mainland Chinese immigrant students.

Keywords

race/ethnicity south asian students mental health cross-cultural analysis education

Introduction

Recently, researchers have established the relationship between certain risk factors and the negative well-being of adolescents. For example, perceptions of discrimination (Ajrouch, Reisine, Lim, Sohn, & Ismail, 2010) and family disconnectedness (Houltberg, Henry, Merten, & Robinson, 2011) have been acknowledged in this regard. Conversely, hope, spirituality, and religious practice are reported to be positively linked with adolescents’ life satisfaction (Ciarrocchi & Deneke, 2006; Marques, Lopez, & Mitchell, 2013). The importance of life satisfaction in the engagement of adolescents with their school has recently been underscored (Lewis, Huebner, Malone, & Valois, 2011). Although research highlights the significant relationships between the overall well-being of adolescents and school climate, connectedness, the quality of school bonding, and school engagement (Libbey, 2004; Maddox & Prinz, 2003), there are relatively unanswered questions regarding the subjective well-being (SWB) of adolescents in Asia, especially among culturally diverse student groups.

The Hong Kong government adopts a “no loser” principle in its education system, but despite having equal rights to education, ethnic minority children are found to be significantly below average in terms of academic performance compared with their local Chinese counterparts (Hong Kong Unison Limited, 2011). Students from less affluent South Asian families are usually placed in publicly funded “designated” schools with high concentrations of co-ethnic peers. Since these designated schools have a history of educating South Asian students, they are a common and natural choice for their parents, who tend to make this selection, however, with little knowledge of the education system or available community resources. The designated schools offer a school-based Chinese curriculum with non-credential qualifications, and such arrangements have generated heated public debates with regard to their in-built handicap (Shum, Gao, & Tsung, 2012; Tsung, Zhang, & Cruickshank, 2010). In a society like Hong Kong, where the standard Chinese curriculum is linked with life chances and social position, receiving a non-credential Chinese curriculum, even though tailor-made, can only intensify racial and academic segregation, doing more harm than good to their future adult lives (Carmichael, 2009; Hong Kong Unison Limited, 2011).

Furthermore, studies on the mental health of adolescents in Hong Kong confirm that Chinese immigrant students are at a greater risk of negative emotion, leading to such phenomena as drug abuse and suicide, coupled with lower levels of life satisfaction, than their local counterparts (Kwan, 2010; Kwan & Ip, 2007). In contrast, Yuen’s (2013) recent study reveals that typically South Asian students are religious and report higher levels of life satisfaction than their non-religious Chinese counterparts. In view of Hong Kong’s increasingly diverse student population, this study aimed to further develop this important but rarely charted research area by mapping the life satisfaction of adolescents in schools with dense populations of South Asian and mainland Chinese students in comparison with their mainstream counterparts in Hong Kong.

Life Satisfaction of Ethnic Minority and Immigrant Adolescents

Life satisfaction is understood as a positive indicator of SWB (Ash & Huebner, 1998), and is commonly defined as the cognitive evaluation of the quality of life (Cowen, 1991; Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). It comprises multiple domains in life such as self, family, friends, schools, and community. This subjective perceived quality of life is based on individuals’ assessment of their satisfaction on specific life domains (Goldbeck, Schmitz, Besier, Herschbach, & Henrich, 2007) and according to their own chosen criteria (Shin & Johnson, 1978). Although Ash and Huebner (1998) clarify that life satisfaction has been distinguished from other constructs related to well-being such as emotion, self-esteem, and depression, life satisfaction and SWB are often being used interchangeably (Park, 2004). Well-being is the internal strength of an individual (Cowen, 1991) and is often discussed in terms of mental health, life satisfaction, and pleasant emotions (Diener et al., 1985; Huebner, 2001). Researchers focusing on well-being believe that understanding life satisfaction in early adolescence provides an opportunity to examine the relationship between SWB and critical developmental characteristics, such as mental health and social performance (Oberle, Schonert-Reichl, & Zumbo, 2011). In addition, some scholars pay special attention to the role of demographic variables that contribute to the SWB of young people. For example, Seginer and Vermulst’s (2002) study on Arab and Jewish adolescents reveals that family environment and parental involvement have a direct influence on children’s educational aspiration, perceived parental pressure, and school outcomes. Whereas family relationships have stronger associations with life satisfaction in adolescence, researchers believe that personal experience and external environment link with the self-assessment of life satisfaction (Ash & Huebner, 1998). Life satisfaction is a desirable social goal, serving as a buffer for negative emotions and a predictor of positive outcomes in different spheres of adult life (Lewis et al., 2011).

Studies on ethnic identity suggest that both personal characteristics and societal acculturation are intertwined in the process of identity formation (Rotheram & Phinney, 1987). Strong and positive ethnic group identification promotes resilience among immigrant youth. Ethnic identity mediates coping with stress (Outten, Schmitt, Garcia, & Branscombe, 2009; Umana-Taylor, Wong, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2012), life satisfaction, and psychological well-being (Verkuyten, 2010). In contrast, negative well-being links with disadvantageous social circumstances, for example, low-status neighborhoods with strong antisocial groups involving substance abuse and criminal activities, and subsequently leads to high risk of disengagement from school (Lo, 2010; Maynard & Harding, 2010; Umana-Taylor et al., 2012). Studies on immigrant schooling have established the relationship between psychosocial factors such as personality traits, family, school, community, and adolescent well-being (Pong & Hao, 2007; Zhou, 1997).

Recent evidence on youth risk behaviors in Hong Kong has shown that substance abuse, suicidal ideation, and criminal activities are increasingly prevalent (Sun & Shek, 2010), particularly among cross-boundary and Chinese immigrant students (Kwan, 2010; Lau, Tsui, Lam, & Lau, 2007). Drawing from their Hong Kong findings, Sun and Hui (2007) note that family cohesion and sense of school belonging are the most influential mediators for adolescent psychological well-being and life satisfaction. While many recent immigrants continue to feel strong cultural and familial ties with mainland China or Pakistan/India, many others also experience difficulties in reconciling their parents’ traditional values and their emerging values as Hong Kong youths. Their families often struggle to harmonize with these values, whereas South Asian youth are likely to be positive about their well-being and to express a high level of confidence in their religious faith (Yuen, 2013). In contrast, Hong Kong Chinese adolescents tend to be more critical of themselves than their non-Chinese peers (Ho, Cheung, & Cheung, 2008). A review of the studies noted earlier suggest that cultural and contextual factors are imperative for understanding variations in the well-being and quality of life of adolescents in Hong Kong. In this context, this study aims to examine the self-appraised life satisfaction of different student groups, and the role of schools with high concentrations of co-ethnic and/or co-cultural peers in adolescent well-being.

The Present Study

Method

Samples

A purposeful stratified sampling method was used with an explicit stratum of students from schools with high proportions of minority students to map the life satisfaction of adolescents in schools with high ethnic concentrations. The sample comprised 1,522 secondary students aged between 12 and 20, from four schools with no less than 40% of co-ethnic minority students (i.e., South Asian and Chinese immigrant students). These schools, serving a mixed population of minority, immigrant, and Hong Kong-born students (HKBS), are in old city districts, such as west Kowloon and the western and northern New Territories, which have sizeable non-local-born students. Their parents speak little or no Cantonese, and they therefore predominantly use other languages or dialects, that is, Urdu (Pakistani), Hindi (Indian), or Hokkin/Hakka (Chinese immigrants) at home. Often their father is the sole breadwinner and working in the catering, construction, or security sector near the school districts. We first selected these school districts and then the target schools. Formal consent was obtained from both the schools and parents of the participating students before conducting the survey.

Measures

Quantitative data were gathered using the Multidimensional Students’ Life Satisfaction Scale (MSLSS) developed by Huebner (2001), which has been validated in different cultural contexts. It is a self-reported and self-appraised 40-item evaluation scale specifically designed to assess students’ life satisfaction. It assesses five specific domains of life satisfaction, namely, self, family, friends, school, and living environment. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to test the model. According to the result, the fit indices of the model, that is, Tucker–Lewis index (TLI) and comparative fit index (CFI), were below .9, indicating an unacceptable model, χ²(730) = 6245.687, p < .000, TLI = .810, CFI = .831, root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) = .064. This suggests that some items might not fit the Chinese context and thereby lower convergent validity. To address this, we eliminated the items with factor loading less than 0.3 to enhance convergent validity while presenting to the five-factor model proposed by Huebner (2001). As a result, 24 items out of 40 were selected for further analysis (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Factor Loadings of Indicator Variables.

Indicator variables	Factor loadings	Alpha
Most people like me	0.513	.684
I like myself	0.379
I am fun to be around	0.392

My parents and I do fun things together	0.592	.904
Members of my family talk nicely to one another	0.489
My parents treat me fairly	0.475
My family members get along well together	0.668
I enjoy being at home with my family	0.662
My family is better than most	0.527
I like spending time with my parents	0.636

I have a lot of fun with my friends	0.555	.884
My friends treat me well	0.622
My friends will help me if I need it	0.634
My friends are great	0.617
My friends are nice to me	0.608

I look forward to going to school	0.623	.874
I like being in school	0.718
School is interesting	0.706
I enjoy school activities	0.512

There are a lot of fun things to do where I live	0.388	.807
I like my neighborhood	0.403
My family’s house is nice	0.628
I like my neighbors	0.398
I like where I live	0.588

Note. N = 1,522 students. All the indicator variables loaded significantly on their respective factors (i.e., five domains of life satisfaction). A majority of the indicator variables indicated good factor loadings (i.e., higher than 0.50).

All students in the four sample schools were invited to participate. Whereas all the students (N = 1,931) returned the survey questionnaire, with the collaboration of school administrators and teachers, of these, 1,522 (male, 50.3%, and female, 49.7%) responses turned out to be valid and reliable through our initial data entry. Specifically, 409 students provided inconsistent information on key variables such as birthplaces and/or did not provide any responses, and our final analysis was therefore based on 79% of the sample populations. Of the 1,522 valid responses, missing data represented less than 1% of the expected data. Missing data were imputed using the expectation–maximization (EM) algorithm before the main analysis.

Analytical strategies

We performed a confirmatory factor analysis to examine the five factors in the MSLSS before conducting multigroup latent mean analysis (LMA) to compare group mean differences in different domains of life satisfaction by students’ ethnicity. The underlying analytical reason for using LMA is that it gives better results when the measurement error is considered (Aiken, Stein, & Bentler, 1994; Cole, Maxwell, Arvey, & Salsa, 1993; Hancock, 1997). To this end, we conducted tests of configural, metric, scalar, and factor variance invariance for different student groups by their country of origin. In addition, bootstrapping involved resampling and replacing the original data set 1,000 times to adjust some features of non-normality in the data (see Table 2).

Table 2.

Skewness and Kurtosis of Variables.

Indicator variables	Skewness	CR	Kurtosis	C.R.
Most people like me	−0.538	−8.571	0.123	0.978
I like myself	−0.711	−11.319	−0.041	−0.329
I am fun to be around	−0.745	−11.872	0.449	3.572
My parents and I do fun things together	−0.464	−7.385	−0.496	−3.947
Members of my family talk nicely to one another	−0.546	−8.690	−0.312	−2.488
My parents treat me fairly	−0.762	−12.133	0.042	0.338
My family members get along well together	−0.772	−12.298	0.133	1.061
I enjoy being at home with my family	−0.681	−10.841	−0.090	−0.719
My family is better than most	−0.642	−10.230	−0.201	−1.602
I like spending time with my parents	−0.690	−10.995	−0.100	−0.793
I have a lot of fun with my friends	−0.965	−15.366	0.684	5.450
My friends treat me well	−0.820	−13.061	0.579	4.613
My friends will help me if I need it	−0.837	−13.327	0.507	4.040
My friends are great	−0.771	−12.280	0.207	1.650
My friends are nice to me	−1.183	−18.846	1.734	13.811
I look forward to going to school	−0.399	−6.361	−0.453	−3.605
I like being in school	−0.534	−8.512	−0.080	−0.641
School is interesting	−0.520	−8.279	−0.087	−0.696
I enjoy school activities	−0.524	−8.352	−0.195	−1.554
There are a lot of fun things to do where I live	−0.348	−5.539	−0.563	−4.482
I like my neighborhood	−0.496	−7.894	−0.315	−2.510
My family’s house is nice	−0.674	−10.728	−0.103	−0.823
I like my neighbors	−0.297	−4.729	−0.568	−4.521
I like where I live	−0.734	−11.683	−0.195	−1.556

Note. CR = critical ratio. N = 1,522 students. The non-normality of the data was detected through CRs.

Results

Descriptive Analysis

Student groups were categorized as (a) Hong Kong-born Chinese students (HKBCS, that is, Hong Kong local students), (b) mainland-born Chinese students (MBCS, that is, mainland Chinese immigrant students), (c) Hong Kong-born non-Chinese students (HKBNCS, that is, South Asian students), and (d) foreign-born non-Chinese students (FBNCS, that is, South Asian students). The overall group sizes across the four groups were similar (21%, 26.7%, 27.3%, and 25%, respectively) with HKBCS being the lowest by a small proportion. Numerically, HKBCS are a minority group in their schools, and their unique situation will subsequently help interpret their lower levels of life satisfaction delineated in the results.

Non-Chinese students (i.e., HKBNCS and FBNCS) who were born in either Hong Kong or foreign countries also form distinctive groups. Notably, regardless of their place of birth, they are all originally from South Asian countries such as Pakistan, India, Nepal, and Bangladesh. A commonality of these two groups is that their parents are mostly involved in semiskilled labor markets in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 2010). However, the two groups are different in terms of years of residency in Hong Kong. Most HKBNCS are second-generation immigrants, whereas FBNCS may be either first- or second-generation immigrants.

MBCS were categorized into a separated group because while they share the same nationality and ethnicity as HKBCS in the host area and their immigration is an intra-country migration, nevertheless they are distinct from HKBCS in terms of language (Putonghua vs. Cantonese) and perception of their ethnic identity (Yuen, 2011).

A correlation analysis showed that the five factors representing each of the five domains were correlated with one another, mostly ranging from .4 to .6. The correlation between the domains of “self” and “friends” was .837, which may signal poor discriminant validity or collinearity (Kenny, 2011); therefore, our preliminary analysis sought to check the issues related to the discriminant validity and collinearity of the two factors. Unlike regression analysis using variation inflation factor (VIF) for detecting collinearity, we used two different approaches to investigate the issues. Specifically, we conducted model comparisons, that is (a) comparing the original model with a competing model, which constrains the correlation of the two constructs to be one, with the original model by using chi-square statistics and (b) comparing the original model with another competing model, which collapses the two factors and combines them into one construct. As the original model showed better model fit, indicating the presence of discriminant validity between the two factors, we concluded that the two factors were still distinctive.

The overall findings indicate that life satisfaction was perceived as generally positive, with the mean scores of the five domains ranging from 4.21 to 4.79 on a 6-point Likert scale. The domain of “friends” received the most positive value (M = 4.79, SD = 0.94), whereas the domains of “living environment” received the least (M = 4.21, SD = 1.05) suggesting that the students were mostly satisfied with their friendships and were less satisfied with their living environment. Both HKBS and MBCS tended to show relatively lower levels of life satisfaction across the five domains of MSLSS, compared with FBNCS and HKBNCS.

LMA

To confirm the pattern from the descriptive statistics, we subsequently conducted a multigroup LMA (Aiken et al., 1994; Cole et al., 1993; Hancock, 1997; Hong, Malik, & Lee, 2003) with bootstrapping. Results from the tests of invariance indicate that the data met the requirements for configural metric and scalar invariance, and factor variance invariance. Each of the four models for testing invariance fits the data reasonably well. The model fit indices also indicate that the latent mean model fits the data well: χ²(2653) = 1025, CFI = .917, TLI = .910, RMSEA = .032, standardized root mean square residual = .053. To compare the latent means of the four groups, we set HKBCS as a reference group in that (a) they represent non-immigrant students enrolled in designated schools and (b) they showed the lowest levels of life satisfaction among the four student groups.

HKBCS vs. MBCS

The findings of the LMA revealed that MBCS showed lower satisfaction on “living environment” (−.475, p < .001) but higher satisfaction on “self” (.278, p = .001) than HKBCS. Figure 1 presents the effect sizes (Cohen’s d). This reinforced the conclusion of significant and substantial differences between MBCS and HKBCS on the domains of “living environment” (−.378) and “self” (.489), but no differences of satisfaction on “family,” “school,” and “friends.”

Figure 1.

Effect size comparison: Hong Kong local students^a versus immigrant students on life satisfaction (N = 1,522).

HKBCS versus HKBNCS

The LMA results revealed that there were differences between HKBCS (i.e., the reference group) and HKBNCS. The latter showed higher satisfaction than the former on all the five domains: friends (.395, p < .001), living environment (.806, p < .001), school (.810, p < .001), self (.631, p < .001), and family (.277, p = .004). The effect sizes (Cohen’s d) confirmed this conclusion of significant and substantial differences between HKBNCS and HKBCS on the five domains: friends (.571), living environment (.641), school (1.037), self (1.111), and family (.249).

HKBCS versus FBNCS

A similar pattern to that noted earlier was also noted in the comparison of latent means between HKBCS and FBNCS. The latter showed higher satisfaction than their counterparts on all five domains: friends (.323, p < .001), living environment (.502, p < .001), school (.873, p < .001), self (.353, p < .001), and family (.380, p = .004). The effect sizes (Cohen’s d) confirmed this conclusion of significant and substantial differences between students with South Asian origins (e.g., FBNCS) and HKBCS on the five domains: friends (.467), living environment (.399), school (1.118), self (.621), and family (.343).

Discussion

The findings of this study have provided domain-specific life satisfaction scores for the four student groups, and these appear somewhat contrary to public perceptions surrounding the undesirability of designated schools (Carmichael, 2009; Hong Kong Unison Limited, 2011). The results do not suggest negative associations between the ethnic minority or immigrant status of Non-Chinese-speaking students (NCS) and their self-appraised global and specific life satisfaction with school and friends. Among the five domains of MSLSS, students unanimously rated friendship as the most important component in their life satisfaction appraisal. Consistent with the literature on youth studies, friendship has become a key construct for understanding the well-being of young people across cultures, languages, and ethnicities (van der Horst & Coffe, 2012). One reason why the NCS reported a higher level of optimism than their Chinese peers may be their higher frequency of contacts with homogenous peers and their good connections with teachers and co-ethnic friends; hence, they may experience a high level of cognitive congruence and positive ethnic identities in their schools. Simply put, they seem to benefit from the designated school not necessarily because of it being matching with their academic aspirations but through being valued by the school and having social networks. Promoting life satisfaction is a desirable goal of policy. This finding helps us envision more effective schooling for ethnic minority students as well as for all others.

Moreover, both HKBNCS and FBNCS record greater levels of satisfaction with life, and in particular with their school life, than their Chinese counterparts. This is confirmed by Yuen’s (2013) findings that NCS from designated schools indicated higher levels of satisfaction with life than their mainland Chinese peers. Obviously, the cultural aspect (Asian culture vs. Chinese culture) cannot be separated from the specific sociocultural characteristics of each society. There is a need to consider more deeply both the school and the psychosocial factors (Pong & Hao, 2007; Zhou, 1997). Two of the schools were designated schools, with more than 70% of South Asian students, and it was in these schools that NCS indicated the highest satisfaction in life and in school. On the one hand, relationships make all the difference in fostering academic engagement and resilience, and which increase the sense of group identification through heightened socialization with co-ethnic peers (Yuen, 2013; Zhou, 1997). On the other hand, with a critical mass of NCS, school communities may develop a greater sensitivity to honoring their cultural and language needs, and may respond more favorably to these compared with mainstream schools. In this respect, our findings are consistent with other studies that highlight the quality of school bonding (Maddox & Prinz, 2003), ethnic socialization (Lo, 2010; Madyun & Lee, 2010), and ethnic identity (Kiang, Yip, Gonzales-Backen, Witkow, & Fuligni, 2006) as moderators of stressful demands that have protective effects on the well-being of adolescents, particularly minority youth.

The study of Oberle et al. (2011) reveals a close relationship between SWB and student socioeconomic background. This study confirms the complexity of well-being among the different student categories. The HKBCS in the study are mainstream students in their wider society, but numerically they are a minority group in their schools, and this may well be associated with poor academic performance. Results show that HKBCS are less satisfied with their life situations, both generally and more specifically in relation to the five domains of MSLSS, when compared with the NCS. A plausible explanation may be drawn from the characteristics of the student bodies in the four schools. We speculate that the difference may be linked with the strong ethnic affirmations of the non-local South Asian student groups compared with damaging stereotypes imposed on their Hong Kong and mainland Chinese peers by the society. This result also reveals that the social setting impacts both school engagement and SWB, as illustrated below.

First, the HKBCS have suffered a loss of their pride as host students, and have had their identity reversed from “majority” to “minority.” Their satisfaction with school is relatively low and is linked with their academic outcomes and their sense of belonging. In addition to the effects of ethnic diversity on self-esteem, Chinese students have to face numerous challenges in friendship building, academic support, and identity construction (Yuen, 2012). Hong Kong parents have to choose a school within their district, and parents of these local students have restricted residential mobility to locate to other more affluent school districts. It is a truism that schools with high concentrations of immigrant or ethnic minority students tend to be the last resort for local parents, and possibly remain the only option for poorer parents within their particular area. It is likely therefore, that family background may shape Hong Kong local students’ dissatisfaction with life in general and create a significant association with risk behaviors, and especially with poor performance.

Second, MBCS in this study seem to be less satisfied with their life situations when they are “indirectly” compared with their non-Chinese peers. This result reveals that the demographic factors and social class issues are intertwined. A large percentage of MBCS are from families having an older father engaging in skilled but low-paid employment, and a much younger mainland mother who is also a recent new immigrant and speaks little or no Cantonese or English. Parental involvement in homework assignments is restricted. Furthermore, their families have to struggle to make two ends meet. With these complex profiles, MBCS are often associated with low socioeconomic status (SES), complicated family situations, weak social capital, and identity issues (Siu, 2008; Yuen, 2012).

Third, it is worth noting that MBCS show the lowest satisfaction on the “living environment” domain, even compared with HKBCS. Their transition to life in Hong Kong may be dramatic especially in their beginning stage, when they move from a spacious living environment to a cage-like home, and from well-connected social networks to a disconnected culture and life style (Yuen, 2012). Poverty, perhaps, remains the greatest family and personal problem. Our finding underscores the poor quality of life facing many MBCS and the need for further public attention and support measures to help students realize their potential for self and social advancement (Wong, Chou, & Chow, 2011).

In contrast, HKBCS as a minority in these schools are prone to be unsatisfied and struggling with their academic self-concept. Their situation in these schools may be seen as the marginalization of a minority, since most designated schools adopt a language streaming policy for place allocation. Chinese students are normally placed in Chinese-medium classes and separated from their South Asian peers, indicating that their English is not up to the standard. Whereas much attention has been afforded to the non-local students due to their number and perceived needs, teachers may have failed to acknowledge the similar level of psychological and emotional support needed for their local students. The findings of this study confirm that student perceptions of the behavior of teachers and emotional support are related to their SWB, regardless of their nationality and locality (Suldo et al., 2009). School bonding, ethnic socialization, and ethnic identity are all moderators for stress coping among the adolescents. In contrast to the South Asian youth, Chinese adolescents tend to appraise their life satisfaction from external criteria such as personal achievements. Ho et al. (2008) argue that Chinese adolescents are particularly sensitive to negative information or events, while tending toward ignoring positive ones. A further reason behind this disparity, one that is consistent with our related work, is likely to be the relative lack of religion among both local and mainland Chinese students and the associated communal and familial connections typical of the South Asian students; this lack denies them any extra layer of protection that religion might confer for their well-being (Yuen, 2013).

Fourth, consistent with previous research which indicates that ethnic identity is a mediator for stress coping, our findings show that educating South Asian and/or mainland Chinese immigrants in a crowded co-ethnic school may in actual fact help promote strong group identity. Their home culture and religious practices are more likely to be celebrated, and they are connected with fellow peers; they will feel secure, respected, and supported (Umana-Taylor et al., 2012). In contrast, possible adverse psychosocial effects may be caused if they are a minority within a largely Chinese student body (Hong Kong Unison Limited, 2011).

Limitations and Directions for Future Studies

While pointing out that this study is the first of its kind in investigating the life satisfaction of these particular student groups in schools with high concentrations of ethnic minority and immigrant students in Hong Kong, we wish to note several limitations. First, as noted earlier, 21% of our sample could not be used for the final analysis because of missing items or inconsistent responses. Consequently, we do not have information with regard to whether or not this excluded group is similar to the included students in terms of their individual characteristics. Second, because the underlying purpose of this study was to investigate the level of life satisfaction, our data collection was not designed for gathering other relevant data from which we could provide a more comprehensive analytical model, including antecedent and mediating factors influencing life satisfaction. Future studies are needed for exploring those structural relationships. Third, while we found several noticeable patterns of life satisfaction across different student groups, our explanations of the results were constrained by the nature and scope of survey data we used. Specifically, drawing from our results, we believe that school characteristics may help to account for the advantages of South Asian students in the sample schools as compared with MBCS and HKBCS. South Asians seem to have more positive experience in their social interaction because of their closer social networks and relationships with peers of similar backgrounds. In contrast, both MBCS and HKBCS seem to be restricted by Chinese values and tradition, and may be more inclined to be entirely introspective or to make demands only on themselves when evaluating their life satisfaction (Yip, 2005). We believe that our ongoing collection of qualitative data will confirm our interpretations of the results by providing more in-depth explanations.

Conclusion

This study maps the domain-based life satisfaction of diverse student groups. Contrary to the previous literature on ethnic minority well-being, the study reveals that NCS admitted to the designated schools have higher life satisfaction than their mainstream Chinese peers across the five domains in MSLSS. Specifically, they scored higher in the domains of “friends” and “school,” suggesting that in these respects they may not necessarily be at a disadvantage when compared with Chinese students. Disadvantageous social circumstances were not significantly linked with their self-evaluation of life satisfaction. Life satisfaction by nature is multifaceted and is determined differently at different life stages. Our findings, therefore, need to be further examined against the life trajectories of these student groups before a firm conclusion can be made.

This study underscores the value of MSLSS, a domain-specific life satisfaction measure; expands our understanding of an extremely underresearched area of youth studies in Hong Kong; and opens a new avenue to examine globally the sophisticated process of self-appraisal of life satisfaction among culturally diverse adolescent groups. More importantly, if our results are replicated and a causal relation between the concentration of student co-ethnicity and life satisfaction is supported, this study has implications for how school teachers, student guidance personnel, counselors, and administrators should best organize students’ learning environment in general and support particular measures to address the differentiated needs of diversified student groups.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the Internal Research Grant of the Hong Kong Institute of Education.

Author Biographies

Yuet Mui Celeste Yuen is an associate professor in the Department of Education Policy and Leadership, The Hong Kong Institute of Education. She lectures on intercultural sensitivity and diversity. Her research interests are relating to ethnic minority, immigrant, and intercultural education.

Moosung Lee is Centenary Research Professor at Faculty of Education, Science, Technology and Mathematics, University of Canberra, Australia. His research interests are social capital, immigrant students, school improvement, and educational policy.

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