Prevalence of and Risk Factors for Violent Disciplinary Practices at Home in Viet Nam

Abstract

Data on parenting practices and the use of violence in child rearing remain scarce worldwide, hindering prevention efforts. This study examines disciplinary methods used on children at home in Viet Nam. It is based on data collected from 2010 to 2011 through the fourth round of the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS4)—a household survey program supported by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) that focuses on women and children in low- and middle-income countries. Respondents in the survey were asked 11 questions relating to disciplinary measures used in the preceding month on one randomly selected child (2-14 years old) in each household. A final question about attitudes probed adults’ views on the need for physical punishment in child rearing. Univariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to estimate the prevalence of violent and nonviolent forms of discipline, and to identify risk factors associated with violent punishment. Results showed that three in four children in Viet Nam are disciplined through violent means. The exposure of Vietnamese children to violent forms of discipline was significantly associated with varied characteristics of both children and their caregivers. Moreover, the use of violent disciplinary practices on children was strongly associated with positive attitudes toward corporal punishment. Risk factors for violent child discipline identified in this study can inform future interventions to promote positive practices and to protect Vietnamese children against violence in the home.

Keywords

child discipline physical punishment violence attitudes Viet Nam

Introduction

Discipline is an essential component of parenting. It aims to reduce undesirable child behavior in the present and increase desirable behavior in the future (Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007). The ultimate purpose of discipline is to enable a child to achieve competence, self-control, and self-direction (Howard, 1996). It is debatable, however, whether violent forms of child discipline, such as corporal punishment, serve this end (Dietz, 2000; Straus & Donnelly, 2001).

In Viet Nam, the saying “Spare the rod, spoil the child” (Thuong cho roi, cho vot) has been a prevailing child-rearing belief for generations. The saying literally means “spanking (with a rod) out of love for the child,” suggesting that corporal punishment may be seen by many Vietnamese parents as a necessary form of discipline. A certain tolerance for violent discipline within the context of parenting is also suggested by the country’s legislative framework. The national Law on Child Protection, Care and Education (1999, amended in 2004) acknowledges that children have rights that are to be respected and prohibits torturing and maltreatment of children (Article 7, No. 6). However, no provisions are found in national legislation that explicitly prohibit violence against children in all settings, including the home, and by any persons, including primary caregivers.

Understanding the extent to which violent disciplinary practices are used, what motivates parents to choose among different methods, and which caregivers are most likely to use certain measures is essential for developing appropriate policy responses to violence in the home. As an effort to promote better understanding of the issue in the context of Viet Nam, this article uses nationally representative data from the 2011 Viet Nam Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) to describe the nature and extent of violent disciplinary methods experienced by Vietnamese children at home. The article also analyzes variability in the use of violent methods by caregivers’ characteristics to examine whether various factors at the individual and family levels correlate with violent child-rearing practices. Previous research has revealed an association between the use of violent disciplinary practices and certain sociodemographic characteristics of the caregivers, such as low wealth and low levels of education (Hunter, Jain, Sadowski, & Sanhueza, 2000; Jackson et al., 1999). Earlier studies also found boys, especially those aged 5 to 9 years, to be more likely to experience violent punishment than girls or older children (Dietz, 2000). We therefore hypothesize that male Vietnamese children living in vulnerable families, including those with a low socioeconomic background, are at the highest risk of receiving violent forms of punishment. Finally, the article presents findings on caregivers’ attitudes toward physical forms of punishment and examines the extent to which positive attitudes toward such violent practices are associated with the use of them. A number of studies have explored the significance of parental attitudes as a factor to predict spanking and other forms of violence used in child discipline. A consistent finding is that favorable attitudes toward corporal punishment are associated with its use (Cappa & Khan, 2011; Gagné, Tourigny, Joly, & Pouliot-Lapointe, 2007). We therefore expect to observe such association in the case of Viet Nam as well.

Violence Against Vietnamese Children at Home: A Review of Available Literature

A sizable body of research has investigated determinants of violent child discipline to explain why parents select this practice versus nonviolent methods. Physical punishment of children was found to increase in families that were socially isolated or had limited social ties, and in societies willing to tolerate high levels of violence (Belsky, 1984, 1993). Other significant predictors of the use of violent forms of child rearing include attitudes that devalue children, a tendency toward depression in parents, parental use of alcohol or drugs, prematurity or low birth weight in infants, certain family structures, ethnic backgrounds as well as socioeconomic status (Belsky, 1993; Gagné et al., 2007; Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007). Studies on child discipline, however, have mostly been carried out in North America and Europe (Waterston, 2000). Little is known about what disciplinary methods are actually used in low- and middle-income countries and which groups of children in these countries are at the greatest risk of exposure to violent practices (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2010).

In Viet Nam, violent discipline at home has been a neglected topic. Of the few studies undertaken was anthropological research by Rydstrom (2001, 2003, 2006) examining the socialization process of boys and girls in rural Northern Viet Nam. Using observation, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with caregivers, Rydstrom (2001) found that the most senior males of a household were the authority figures who usually disciplined other household members. Men tended to interfere less often in shaping child behavior than women, but “when they do interfere, they do it abruptly and loudly” (Rydstrom, 2001, p. 405). Using data collected from the same fieldwork, Rydstrom (2006) further explored the masculine discourse embedded in physical punishment exercised by fathers and grandfathers on their son and grandsons. Her findings revealed that beating boys crystallized “a masculine discourse that integrates the practices of bringing up boys by the means of violence” (Rydstrom, 2006, p. 338). This discourse, the author argued, was formed and reinforced by a patrilineal structure influenced by Confucianism, a belief in the “hot” character of men, and war experiences. Boys in the study experienced discipline in many ways, from being horribly threatened to beaten up, often with an implement such as a piece of electric cable. Rydstrom also pointed out that, in most cases, corporal punishment was elicited not because of “anger” or “impulses.” Rather, many fathers and grandfathers expressed the view that physical punishment to correct a child’s misbehavior should be a planned action.

While researchers appear most interested in understanding the underlying cultural factors behind violent discipline in Viet Nam, quantitative studies providing prevalence data on various disciplinary practices remain scarce. In a small, nonrepresentative survey of 100 parents of children aged 4 to 18 (Hoang et al., 2001, cited in UNICEF, Viet Nam, 2006), disciplinary methods reported by respondents included explaining (82.4%), knocking on the child’s head (26%), hitting on the buttocks (22%), beating with a rod (21.8%), slapping on the thigh (20.1%), slapping on the buttocks (19.8%), pinching (19.6%), and beating the child in uncontrolled anger (19.5%). In 1999, the Viet Nam’s Youth Research Institute attempted to obtain representative data on child discipline (cited in UNICEF, Viet Nam, 2006) and conducted a survey with 1,240 primary and secondary school students in Northern and Central Viet Nam. The results showed that 9 in 10 children reported being punished by their parents if they made a mistake. Sixty-five percent of children reported being scolded, 25.6% being spanked with a rod, and 9.5% being disciplined with other methods, such as being excluded from meals or forced to stand in the sun (Viet Nam’s Youth Research Institute, 1999, cited in UNICEF, Viet Nam, 2006). Another study on child discipline in Viet Nam was conducted in four provinces across the country by the Population, Family and Children Scientific Institute—National Committee on Population, Family and Children of Viet Nam, in collaboration with Save the Children Sweden (PFCSI and SCS, 2005, cited in Nguyen, 2006). Results of a survey of 571 parents and adults in the households revealed that 37% shouted at the child and 20% insulted the child. In addition, it was found that 54% of children reported being caned, 49% being slapped in the face or on the bottom, 35% being beaten with whatever adults had in hand, and 32% getting their ears twisted or hair pulled.

Finally, a comprehensive study conducted by UNICEF in Viet Nam (2006) included child discipline as part of an overall assessment of child maltreatment. The quantitative component of this study was undertaken on a nonrepresentative sample of 1,200 participants between the ages of 8 and 38 years. Respondents were asked whether they had experienced any violent methods in their childhood and to rate them on a 3-point scale from never to many times. It was found that 70% of respondents reported being spanked on the hands or bottom with a hand, and 51% reported being spanked or hit with an implement. The results showed that boys were more likely to be physically punished than girls.

In conclusion, a review of the available literature highlights the paucity of data and relevant analyses on the nature and extent of and risk factors for violent discipline in Viet Nam. In studies where such issues were investigated, prevalence data were not representative of all children. Furthermore, the identification of risk factors was missing throughout the literature, as was an analysis of the association between endorsement of physical punishment and its actual use by caregivers.

Method

Data Source and Survey Instrument

This article summarizes the main findings of secondary analyses using nationally representative household survey data. The Viet Nam MICS was carried out by the General Statistics Office of Viet Nam in collaboration with the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs, with financial and technical support from the UNICEF and financial support from UNFPA (the United Nations Population Fund).

The MICS is an international household survey program developed by UNICEF to assist low- and middle-income countries in collecting data on a broad range of issues affecting the health, protection, development and living conditions of children and their families. The Viet Nam MICS was conducted in 2010 to 2011 as part of the fourth global round of MICS to measure key indicators of well-being and to monitor the country’s progress toward the Millennium Development Goals and other internationally agreed upon commitments (General Statistics Office of Vietnam, 2011).

Data on disciplinary practices were collected during face-to-face interviews using a modified version of the short form of the Parent to Child Conflict Tactics Scale or CTSPC (Straus, Hamby, Finkelhor, Moore, & Runyan, 1998). The questionnaire was addressed to one adult aged 15 or older in each household, who was asked about disciplinary methods used with one randomly selected child between 2 and 14 years of age living in the same household. The first 11 items of the questionnaire inquired about 3 nonviolent and 8 violent disciplinary practices. The questions asked whether each practice had been used on the selected child at least once in the past month by any adult member of the household—not only the respondent. As the information collected reflected the actions of all adult household members, it is impossible to know from the data whether the respondents were reporting their own or other caregivers’ behavior. The last item of the questionnaire probed the personal beliefs of the survey respondents on the necessity of using physical punishment to bring up children.

Completion rates were close to 100% for all 12 questions. The percentage of missing data for each of the questions ranged from 0.5% to 0.9%. Data were missing on all 12 questions in 34 cases, accounting for 0.5% of the survey population.

In addition to data on various forms of child discipline used in the household, the Viet Nam MICS collected information on a wide range of sociodemographic characteristics of children and their families. Researchers have suggested that these characteristics may be risk factors for violent discipline and have been shown to be associated with caregivers’ attitudes toward violent discipline (Gagné et al., 2007; Ricketts & Anderson, 2008). The characteristics included household wealth, the size and composition of the family, and the education levels and age of parents or other household members. Oral consent to participate in the survey was obtained from all respondents at the beginning of the interview.

Sample

The sample for the Viet Nam MICS was designed to provide representative estimates at the national level, for urban and rural areas, and for Viet Nam’s six regions. The main sampling strata included urban and rural areas within each region, while the household sample was selected using a two-stage approach. Within each stratum, a specified number of census enumeration areas were selected with probability proportional to size. A sample of 20 households was drawn in each area, resulting in a total of 12,000 households selected for the survey. Of these, 11,642 were present at the time of the interview and 11,614 were successfully interviewed, resulting in a household response rate of 99.8%. The interviews were conducted by some 180 trained interviewers, from November 2010 to January 2011 (General Statistics Office of Vietnam, 2011).

The child discipline module was implemented in all households with at least one child between 2 and 14 years of age. If the household included more than one child in the appropriate age range, the interviewer was instructed to use the Kish method to select one child at random, using a combination of the number of children in the household and the last digit of the survey number assigned to the household.

The questionnaire on child discipline was administered to 6,424 respondents (unweighted), the majority of whom were female (75.3%) and lived in rural areas (59.8%). Respondents who were younger than 30 years old accounted for 20.6% of the survey population, and those who were between 30 and 40 years of age and older than 40 accounted for 40.6% and 38.8%, respectively. In total, 30.2% of respondents reported primary school or lower as the highest education level attained, while a majority (57.1%) had attended secondary school, and 12.8% had higher education; 68% of respondents were the parents or primary caregivers of the child selected for the child discipline questionnaire. The remaining 32% included other adult household members, such as grandparents or other relatives. Due to the selection of one child per household, the surveyed child population was equal to the number of respondents (N = 6,424).

Data Analysis

Descriptive analyses were performed to estimate the proportion of children who experienced different disciplinary methods by covariates of interest, and the percentage of respondents who believed that physical punishment is needed to raise children. For most analyses, individual items in the child discipline module were combined into two main measurement scales to summarize the findings: violent discipline and nonviolent discipline. Within the category of violent discipline, the analysis was organized around two subscales: verbal aggression and physical punishment. Two practices, that is, hitting the child on the face, head, or ears, and beating the child with an implement over and over as hard as one can, have the potential for causing severe, immediate physical injuries and are considered severe forms of physical punishment (Straus et al., 1998); they were therefore highlighted as a separate subscale within the physical punishment category. Table 1 lists the behaviors included in each of these measurement scales and subscales. If the caregiver responded yes to at least one of the behaviors included in a scale or subscale, the child was considered to have experienced that form of discipline and the overall scale was given a positive score.

Table 1.

Child Discipline Measurement Scales and Subscales.

Violent Discipline
Physical punishment	Verbal aggression
Shook him or her	Called him or her dumb, lazy, or another name like that
Spanked, hit, or slapped him or her on the bottom with bare hand	Shouted, yelled, or screamed at him or her
Hit him or her on the bottom or elsewhere on the body with something like a belt, hairbrush, stick, or other hard object
Hit or slapped him or her on the hand, arm, or leg
Hit or slapped him or her on the face, head, or ears^a
Beat him or her up with an implement (hit over and over as hard as one could)^a
Nonviolent Discipline
Took away privileges, forbade something he or she liked or did not allow him or her to leave house
Explained why something (the behavior) was wrong
Gave him or her something else to do

Severe forms of physical punishment.

Variations in children’s exposure to violent discipline and adults’ attitudes toward physical punishment were assessed by the sociodemographic background of both the child and the respondents (children’s exposure to violent methods) or of the respondents only (respondents’ attitudes toward the practice). Levels of physical punishment of children were also examined by respondents’ attitudes toward the practice. Differences between various sociodemographic subgroups were tested using chi-square coefficients. In addition, a logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the odds of Vietnamese children being exposed to violent discipline, both as the only disciplinary method used or in combination with other methods. It took into account the simultaneous effects of child characteristics (age and sex), family background (average age of adults in the household, average education level of adults in the household, household wealth, presence of parents in the household, and the education level of primary caregivers), and respondents’ attitudes toward corporal punishment. The logistic regression was run with Complex Samples Plan (CSPLAN), using regions and area of residence (urban/rural) as two sampling strata, and clusters of households within these strata. As the logistic regression modeling examined the impact of multiple independent variables at the same time, only cases with data available for all independent variables were selected for the analysis.

For both univariate estimates and odds ratios (ORs), 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were generated. All tests of statistical significance accounted for the sampling weights and design. As only one child was randomly selected in each household, a modified household weight was constructed by multiplying the number of children aged 2 to 14 years in the household by the household weight. After applying sampling weights, the total number of observations came up to 9,746 children aged 2 to 14 years. The statistical analyses were performed using SPSS Statistics software (Version 20.0).

Results

Prevalence of Disciplinary Practices

Table 2 presents a summary of the disciplinary methods used on children aged 2 to 14 in the month preceding the survey, grouped by violent and nonviolent methods. The results show that, in general, the majority of children (69.7%) were disciplined with both violent and nonviolent methods, although nonviolent methods were the most common form of discipline. The analysis also revealed that at least one violent disciplinary method was used on almost three in four children (73.9%). The percentage of children who experienced some form of physical punishment (55.0%) was about the same as those who were exposed to at least one form of verbal aggression (55.4%), while 36.5% of children experienced both forms of violent discipline.

Table 2.

Percentage of Children Aged 2 to 14 Who Experienced Different Combinations of Disciplinary Methods.

Type of Discipline	%
Violent discipline
Physical punishment (with or without verbal aggression, and with or without nonviolent discipline)	55.0
Physical punishment only (with or without nonviolent discipline)	18.5
Severe forms of physical punishment (with or without verbal aggression, and with or without nonviolent discipline)	3.5
Verbal aggression (with or without physical punishment, and with or without nonviolent discipline)	55.4
Verbal aggression only (with or without nonviolent discipline)	18.9
Both physical punishment and verbal aggression, with or without nonviolent discipline	36.5
Any violent discipline, with or without nonviolent discipline	73.9
Only violent discipline	36.5
Nonviolent discipline
Any nonviolent discipline, with or without violent discipline	92.1
Only nonviolent discipline	22.1
Both violent and nonviolent discipline	69.7

In terms of specific disciplinary practices (see Table 3), most children between 2 and 14 years of age received an explanation of why a certain behavior was wrong. Children who experienced other nonviolent discipline methods, such as being given something else to do or having their privileges being taken away, accounted for much smaller percentages (41.5% and 32.2%, respectively). Half the children in the survey were shouted at, yelled at, or screamed at; being called dumb, lazy, or other similar name was far less common (24.1%). The most common form of physical punishment experienced by children in Viet Nam was spanking, hitting, or slapping on the bottom with a bare hand (43%). Only a small minority of children experienced severe forms of physical punishment: 3.4% were hit or slapped on the face, head, or ears, and less than 1% of them were hit over and over (0.3%).

Table 3.

Percentage of Children Aged 2 to 14 Who Experienced Different Disciplinary Methods in the Past Month by Type.

Disciplinary Method	%
Nonviolent discipline
Explained why the behavior was wrong	88.7
Gave him or her something else to do	41.5
Took away privileges, forbade something that he or she liked, or did not allow him or her to leave the house	32.2
Violent discipline: Verbal aggression
Shouted, yelled, or screamed at him or her	50.4
Called him or her dumb, lazy, or another name like that	24.1
Violent discipline: Physical punishment
Spanked, hit, or slapped him or her on the bottom with bare hand	42.8
Hit him or her on the bottom or elsewhere on the body with something like a belt, hairbrush, stick, or other hard object	21.6
Hit or slapped him or her on the hand, arm, or leg	16.4
Shook him or her	7.0
Beat him or her up, that is, hit him or her over and over as hard as one could	0.3
Hit or slapped him or her on the face, head, or ears	3.4

Children’s Exposure to Violent Discipline and Associated Factors

The analysis found that children’s exposure to violent discipline is strongly related to their sociodemographic characteristics.

As illustrated in Table 4, boys, children living in rural areas, and children living in the poorer households were more likely to experience violent forms of discipline, both as the only disciplinary method used and in combination with nonviolent methods. The experience of violent discipline was most common among boys and girls between the ages of 5 and 9, compared with younger or older children.

Table 4.

Children’s Exposure to Different Types of Discipline and Associated Factors.

	Any Violent Discipline				Only Violent Discipline
		95% CI			95% CI
	Est.	Lo.	Up.	p	Est.	Lo.	Up.	p
Sex***
Male	76.3	74.4	78.1	.000	39.2	36.9	41.5	.000
Female	71.4	69.2	73.5	.000	33.6	31.2	36.0	.000
Age (years)***
2-4	73.9	71.2	76.7	.000	36.7	33.6	39.9	.000
5-9	75.9	73.7	78.1		41.0	38.4	43.6
10-14	72.0	69.8	74.2		32.2	29.6	34.7
Area***
Urban	69.1	66.5	71.6	.000	31.4	28.8	33.9	.000
Rural	75.6	73.8	77.4	.000	38.3	36.1	40.4	.000
Wealth***
Poorest 60%	77.0	75.2	78.8	.000	39.2	36.8	41.6	.000
Wealthiest 40%	68.5	66.3	70.7	.000	31.8	29.4	34.1	.000
Household size*
Three members or less	72.0	69.2	74.8	.037	35.1	32.3	37.9	.452
Four to five members	73.6	71.7	75.5		36.6	34.4	38.7
Six or more members	75.6	72.9	78.3		37.1	34.0	40.3
Living with, **
Biological mother only	73.3	68.8	77.8	.029	37.6	33.3	42.0	.000
Biological father only	66.6	59.3	73.8		26.0	19.6	32.3
Both biological parents	74.4	72.8	76.0		37.1	35.1	39.0
Neither biological parent	71.7	67.6	75.9		30.8	25.8	35.8
Average education of adults in the household***
None or primary	80.2	77.4	82.9	.000	44.5	40.7	48.2	.000
Secondary	74.4	72.7	76.1		36.7	34.6	38.7
Higher	62.2	58.4	65.9		24.1	21.4	26.9
Average age of adults in the household (years)***
<30	77.4	74.5	80.3	.000	40.3	36.9	43.7	.000
30-40	76.0	74.0	78.1		38.5	35.9	41.0
40+	69.6	67.1	72.0		32.3	29.6	34.9
Relationship with the child***
Parents/primary caregivers	75.9	74.2	77.6	.000	37.9	36.0	39.8	.000
Not primary caregivers	69.4	66.9	71.9	.000	33.4	30.5	36.2	.000

Note. CI = confidence interval; Est. = estimate; Lo. = lower; Up. = upper.

p ≤ .05 (statistically significant at the 5% level). ***p ≤ .001 (statistically significant at the 0.1% level).

Children who lived with their biological mothers only or with both parents were more likely to experience only violent discipline, compared with children living only with their biological father. Violent forms of child discipline were also more common in households where the average age of adults was less than 30 and whose adult members had lower average education levels versus households whose adult members were older and had higher education levels.

Respondents’ Attitudes Toward Physical Punishment and Associated Factors

Overall, 80.2% of respondents did not consider physical punishment to be a necessary component of child rearing, 17.3% indicated that children needed to be physically punished, and 2.5% did not express any opinion. These figures are in sharp contrast to the high proportion of children who reportedly experienced physical punishment (55%). This suggests possible discrepancies between attitudes and the actual use of violent disciplinary practices.

Small, yet statistically significant, associations were observed between the characteristics of respondents and their attitudes (see Table 5). Respondents who were older, from urban areas, had higher levels of education, and were wealthier were less likely to favor physical punishment of children than those who were younger, from rural areas, had lower education levels, and were less affluent.

Table 5.

Respondents’ Attitudes Toward Physical Punishment and Associated Factors.

Percentage of Respondents Who Think That Children Need to Be Physically Punished to Be Brought Up Properly
	Yes	No	Don’t know	p	n
Sex
Male	15.8	81.2	2.4	.413	1,529
Female	17.7	79.4	2.5		4,763
Age (years)**
<30	17.3	78.5	3.2	.003	1,252
30-40	18.7	78.8	2.3		2,594
40+	15.7	81.5	2.3		2,427
Area***
Urban	14.5	83.3	1.6	.000	1,760
Rural	18.2	78.5	2.8		4,532
Education***
None or primary	20.5	73.7	5.8	.000	1,802
Secondary or high school	16.5	82.3	1.3		3,737
Higher	13.6	85.7	0.7		722
Relationship with the child*
Not primary caregivers	15.3	81.9	2.2	.038	1,965
Parents/primary caregivers	18.1	78.9	2.6		4,326
Wealth***
Poorest 60%	19.0	77.1	3.5	.000	3,813
Wealthiest 40%	14.4	84.1	0.9		2,479

p ≤ .05 (statistically significant at the 5% level). **p ≤ .01 (statistically significant at the 1% level). ***p ≤ .001 (statistically significant at the 0.1% level).

Interestingly, respondents who were parents or other primary caregivers of the child addressed in the questionnaire had a slightly more favorable view of physical discipline than those who were not primary caregivers. An analysis of the association between parental attitudes and children’s exposure to various disciplinary methods showed that children whose parents or other primary caregivers approved of physical punishment were significantly more likely to be disciplined with such violent methods than children whose parents did not condone physical punishment (75.0% and 49.9%, respectively, with results statistically significant at the 0.1% level).

Children’s Exposure to Different Types of Discipline and Associated Factors: Results of Logistic Regression

Logistic regression analyses (see Table 6) showed that the sex of the child, the age of the child, the educational level of primary caregivers, the presence of parents in the household, and attitudes toward corporal punishment were strong predictors of children’s exposure to violent discipline. Boys were slightly more likely to be disciplined by violent methods than girls (OR = 1.315, 95% CI = [1.106, 1.564], for exposure to only violent discipline; OR = 1.233, 95% CI = [1.028, 1.479], for exposure to any violent discipline). Violent discipline tended to decrease as children got older; however, the difference between younger and older children remained minimal for both exposure to only violent discipline (OR = 0.948, 95% CI = [0.925, 0.971]) and exposure to any violent discipline (OR = 0.948, 95% CI = [0.926, 0.971]).

Table 6.

Children’s Exposure to Different Types of Discipline and Associated Factors: Results of the Logistic Regression.

			Only Violent Discipline					Any Violent Discipline
							95% CI for OR						95% CI for OR
Reference Category			β	SE	p	OR	Lower	Upper	β	SE	p	OR	Lower	Upper
Sex	Female	Male	0.274	.088	.002	1.315**	1.106	1.564	0.209	.093	.024	1.233*	1.028	1.479
Age	(Numeric)		−0.054	.012	.000	0.948***	0.925	0.971	−0.053	.012	.000	0.948***	0.926	0.971
Average education of adults in the household	Higher	Primary/none	0.594	.229	.010	1.811**	1.155	2.839	0.352	.251	.161	1.422	0.869	2.328
Average education of adults in the household		Secondary	0.280	.177	.115	1.323	0.934	1.872	0.117	.172	.498	1.124	0.801	1.577
Average age of adults in the household	(Numeric)		−0.003	.005	.545	0.997	0.987	1.007	−0.004	.006	.509	0.996	0.985	1.007
Wealth	Wealthiest 40%	Poorest 60%	0.041	.099	.677	1.042	0.858	1.266	0.221	.101	.030	1.247*	1.022	1.522
Living arrangement	Both parents	Mother only	0.240	.144	.096	1.271	0.958	1.687	0.135	.163	.409	1.144	0.831	1.576
		Father only	−0.530	.280	.059	0.589	0.340	1.021	−0.642	.257	.013	0.526*	0.317	0.872
		Neither parent	−0.688	.238	.004	0.503**	0.315	0.802	−0.623	.209	.003	0.536**	0.355	0.809
Attitudes toward corporal punishment	Not necessary	Necessary	1.267	.111	.000	3.550***	2.857	4.410	1.076	.153	.000	2.932***	2.171	3.958
Attitudes toward corporal punishment	Not necessary	No opinion	0.721	.253	.004	2.057**	1.252	3.377	1.236	.375	.001	3.443***	1.649	7.189

Note. OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval.

p ≤ .05 (statistically significant at the 5% level). **p ≤ .01 (statistically significant at the 1% level). ***p ≤ .001 (statistically significant at the 0.1% level).

Children who did not live with either biological parent demonstrated lower risks for both exposure to only violent discipline (OR = 0.503, 95% CI = [0.315, 0.802]) and exposure to any violent discipline (OR = 0.536, 95% CI = [0.355, 0.809]). Children living with their biological father only also showed a decreased risk of exposure to any form of violent discipline (OR = 0.526, 95% CI = [0.317, 0.872]).

Attitudes toward corporal punishment were the most critical risk factor for violent discipline. Children whose caregivers think that corporal punishment is a necessary child-rearing practice were 3 times more likely to be exposed to physical discipline than children whose caregivers did not think physical punishment was necessary (OR = 3.550, 95% CI = [2.857, 4.410], for exposure to only violent discipline; OR = 2.932, 95% CI = [2.171, 3.958], for exposure to any violent discipline). Interestingly, even children of caregivers with no opinion seemed to be at higher risk. The OR for these children being disciplined only with violent methods was 2.057 (95% CI = [1.252, 3.377]); the OR for any violent method was 3.443 (95% CI = [1.649, 7.189]).

Another finding from the logistic regression analysis was that the average age of adults in the household did not predict exposure to violent discipline. In contrast, children living in the poorest 60% of households were at higher risk of exposure to violent discipline (OR = 1.247, 95% CI = [1.022, 1.522]), compared with children living in the wealthiest 40% of households. However, poorer children were not at higher risk of exposure to only violent discipline. Children living in households whose adult members attended primary school or received no schooling were, on average, at higher risk of being disciplined with only violent methods (OR = 1.811, 95% CI = [1.155, 2.839]), compared with children in households whose members had higher education.

Discussion

The findings presented in this article provide important insights into the development of effective programmatic interventions aimed at reducing the use of violence in child rearing in the sociocultural context of Viet Nam. Given the overall lack of nationally representative data and relevant quantitative analyses, our goal was to exploit recently collected survey data to illustrate the nature and extent of and associated risk factors for violent discipline in Viet Nam.

The analysis highlighted several important findings: Vietnamese children are most commonly exposed to nonviolent discipline, usually in the form of adults explaining why a certain behavior is wrong. That said, the use of violent disciplinary practices is widespread among Vietnamese children. About three in four children experienced at least one form of violent discipline in the month prior to the survey. Physical punishment was as prevalent as verbal aggression. Furthermore, the proportion of children who were only disciplined through nonviolent methods was low, and considerably lower than the percentage of children who were disciplined entirely through violent methods.

Comparing Viet Nam with its neighbor, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (PDR), yielded other important findings. The percentage of children who experienced violent forms of discipline in Viet Nam was almost identical to the rates reported in Lao PDR, for which comparable data exist (UNICEF, 2010). Commonalities were also observed between the two Southeast Asian countries with respect to the proportion of adult respondents who can justify the need for physical punishment.

The study also identified important risk factors for violent discipline of children in Viet Nam. Boys are more likely than girls to experience violent discipline, as are children aged 5 to 9 years versus those who are younger or older. This same pattern has been noted in various studies on corporal punishment of children worldwide (Belsky, 1993; Dietz, 2000; UNICEF, 2010) and was also suggested in Rydstrom’s (2001, 2006) studies on child-rearing practices in Viet Nam. The present study indicates that the risk of violent discipline decreases in settings where mothers are absent (i.e., when children live with their biological father only or without either biological parent). On one hand, this finding seems to challenge the argument that fathers, rather than mothers, assume the key role in violently disciplining children in Vietnamese families (Knodel, Vu, Jayakody, & Vu, 2005; Rydstrom, 2006). On the other hand, the finding resonates with other general studies in which mothers were found to be more likely than fathers to use corporal punishment (Dietz, 2000). Interpretation of this relationship, however, must take into account the view that, in general, fathers tend to be less involved in child-rearing than mothers (Belsky, 1993; Dietz, 2000).

The results of our analysis indicate that positive attitudes toward corporal punishment among caregivers significantly increased children’s risk of being exposed to violent forms of discipline. This finding is consistent with results from other studies that identified caregivers’ attitudes as a critical factor affecting the choice of disciplinary practices (Holden, Coleman, & Schmidt, 1995; Pinderhughes, Dodge, Bates, Pettit, & Zelli, 2000). Our results also confirm that limited education of caregivers is a marker for elevated risk of violent child discipline, as discussed by Belsky (1993). Similar to earlier studies that demonstrated a strong association between lower socioeconomic status and use of corporal punishment (Belsky, 1993; Wauchope & Straus, 1990), our study found that children in poorer households are more likely to experience violent forms of discipline, when compared with their richer counterparts.

While this study is a valuable contribution to the scant literature on parenting practices in Viet Nam, it has several limitations. First, its cross-sectional study design limits interpretation to associations rather than causality. Second, no information was collected on the use of different methods by individual caregivers, which limits our ability to identify the optimal targets for intervention. And, while the data revealed significant discrepancies between attitudes and the use of violent disciplinary practices, the reasons behind such discrepancies remain largely unknown. One explanation could be the lack of awareness by caregivers of effective nonviolent methods. However, reporting issues may also be at play: The respondents reported on any adult household members who may have subjected children to violent methods of discipline, and were not necessarily referring to their own practice. In other words, while the respondents may not think that physical punishment is necessary in child rearing, other members of the households may still support and use this method. Finally, as we did not use multilevel statistical modeling, we could not identify possible factors affecting regional prevalence rates, although strong regional differences were found.

Despite these limitations, the article raises important questions for future research. It also uncovers key factors associated with children’s exposure to violent discipline that could influence the design and implementation of child protection policies. As seen in previous studies (Cappa & Khan, 2011), the analysis confirms that attitudes are major predictors of violent physical discipline. These findings point to the importance of addressing attitudes in Viet Nam regarding child rearing, with the goal of promoting change in disciplinary practices. However, the analysis also shows that half of Vietnamese children experienced physical punishment, even when their caregivers did not think that such punishment was necessary. This suggests that changes in attitudes have to be promoted alongside strategies aimed at prompting discussion of what is appropriate and effective discipline and improving knowledge and use of positive disciplinary methods.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to express their gratitude to Ivana Bjelic, Yadigar Coskun, Attila Hancioglu, and Turgay Unalan for the support and useful comments provided during the preparation of this article. Gratitude also goes to Le Hong Loan from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Viet Nam Country Office for sharing relevant material.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Claudia Cappa is the focal point for data collection, data analysis, and methodological work on child protection from violence, exploitation, and abuse in the Statistics and Monitoring Section of United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) headquarters. Prior to joining UNICEF, she was working at the University of Geneva and at the Institute for Social Studies of the International Labour Organization (ILO). She holds an MA and a PhD degree from the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Switzerland.

Hang Dam holds an MPH degree from the School of Public Health and Health Sciences, University of Massachusetts Amherst, with a specialization in community health education. She worked as a senior research executive for Taylor Nelson Sofres (TNS) Viet Nam, where she was responsible for the project management of qualitative and quantitative data collection efforts, and as a researcher for the Institute of Policy and Strategy for Agricultural and Rural Development of Hanoi, Viet Nam.

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