The Development of Gratitude in the United States

Abstract

Gratitude develops over the course of childhood and adolescence. However, the processes involved are largely unknown. We propose that cultural context may play an important role in gratitude development. As a whole, this special issue examines cultural influences on the development of gratitude. In this article, we focus on the development of gratitude in the United States. According to Kağıtçıbaşı, the United States would demonstrate features of autonomy and separateness. We describe the culture of the United States and Greensboro, North Carolina, specifically. To examine gratitude development in the United States, we recruited 426 children between 7 and 14 years of age (M = 10.23 years) in Greensboro, North Carolina. In this sample, we found that older children were more likely to express connective gratitude and also to save their money. It is important to understand the features of culture that encourages the expression of gratitude.

Keywords

gratitude moral development character development cultural values childhood adolescence

The development of gratitude as a virtue necessarily involves both relatedness and autonomy. The essential components of the virtue of gratitude include the following: (a) a benefactor has freely and intentionally helped or provided a beneficiary with something for their benefit; (b) the beneficiary must recognize the benefactor’s intentionality; and (c) the beneficiary freely chooses to repay, if at all possible, with something the benefactor needs or wants. This sequence of gratitude requires that both the benefactor and the beneficiary engage autonomously in the cycle of retribution, taking into account the desires of the other, which necessitates relatedness. As outlined in Merçon-Vargas, Poelker, and Tudge (2018), according to Kağıtçıbaşı (2007, 2012), cultures differ on two dimensions, interpersonal distance (ranging from relatedness to separation) and agency (ranging from autonomy to heteronomy), creating two orthogonal dimensions and four quadrants. We employ this theory as a model to examine cultural differences in the development of the virtue of gratitude. The Developing Gratitude Research Group (DGRG) examined children’s gratitude and spending preferences in Brazil, Guatemala, China, South Korea, Russia, Turkey, and the United States, which are assumed to vary on these dimensions. The focus of this article will be on the United States, specifically Greensboro, North Carolina, the data collection site. We outline how the United States is expected to correspond on the dimensions of interpersonal distance and agency, and describe the culture of the United States, North Carolina, and the city of Greensboro. Finally, we present and discuss our findings on the development of gratitude and spending preferences in the United States.

Based on this cultural model, Kağıtçıbaşı (2007, 2012) described the United States as fitting into the autonomous-separate quadrant, such that children would be encouraged to individuate and detach from parents, forming their individual identity and personal life. Indeed, Western cultures, including the United States, tend to emphasize individual self-determination, self-actualization, and autonomy (Kağıtçıbaşı, 2007; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). The “American dream” is a clear representation of this cultural emphasis. The phrase represents the idea that hard work by an individual can compensate for hierarchies. In other words, in the United States, success in life is seen as a personal endeavor, not a product of circumstances or relationships. These self-reliant ideals differ greatly from cultures valuing connections with others as principal to success.

Research focusing on parent–child relationships indicates cultural differences in the socialization of interpersonal distance and agency in parenting orientations. For example, Choi (1992) examined parenting patterns of Korean and North American parents of young children. This researcher noted Korean mothers’ patterns as relationally engaged whereas North American mothers showed purposeful attempts to detach themselves from their child. In addition, Liu et al. (2005) compared Chinese and North American mothers of young children, finding that Chinese mothers tended to encourage connectedness whereas North American mothers were more inclined to encourage autonomy.

Research has revealed cultural differences in the expression of gratitude specifically. Wang, Wang, and Tudge (2015) examined children’s gratitude in the United States and in China, which is considered to emphasize relatedness more than do Western cultures. Their findings indicate that Chinese children were more likely to express connective gratitude, the type of gratitude most closely resembling gratitude as a virtue, than were children in the United States. These findings underscore the important role that culture and family may play in the development of gratitude.

Although typically Western cultures may put more focus on individuation and self-determination, there is a great amount of diversity within the United States. The United States is the third largest country in the world with a population of more than 300 million individuals and more than 300 languages spoken (U.S. Census, 2010c). Although the non-Hispanic White population remains the largest ethnic group in the United States, it is growing at the slowest rate. Conversely, the Hispanic and Asian populations are growing more rapidly. The growth is due in part to higher levels of immigration among these groups (U.S. Census, 2010c). More than half of the growth in the U.S. population between 2000 and 2010 was attributable to the increase in the Hispanic population. Geographically, some areas of the country, particularly in the South, have relatively large proportions of the overall population that are of an ethnic minority (U.S. Census, 2010c).

Correspondingly, the United States is relatively diverse in religious affiliation and political culture. As the United States was founded on the principle of religious freedom, nearly every known religion is practiced in the country. However, approximately 83% of the population identify as Christian and 13% report no religious affiliation (Zimmermann, 2015). Although the separation of church and state is thought to be a cornerstone of American democracy, religion appears to play an important role in political beliefs. A recent poll reveals that about half of all Americans want a president who shares their religious beliefs (Pew Research Center, 2016). In fact, recent research has shown that religious affiliation has an influence on an individual’s political leaning in the United States (Weber & Thornton, 2012). In addition, it appears that the complex intersection of religion and race plays a significant role in political affiliation (McLaughlin & Thompson, 2016).

The federal system in the United States allows state and local governments leniency to implement different types of political institutions and innovate public policy. This structure lends itself to distinct political subcultures in the United States, which are viewed as relevant still today (Mead, 2004). Political culture refers to beliefs, values, orientations, and attitudes that individuals in a society hold regarding their political system (Elezar, 1984). According to Elezar, the national political culture is the synthesis of three major political subcultures that are dominant in varying parts of the country: moralistic, individualistic, and traditionalistic. All three are of nationwide proportions, having spread over time throughout the United States.

Nevertheless, each subculture is strongly tied to specific areas of the country, reflecting the immigration and migration patterns that have carried people of different ethnic groups and religions in the country (Fisher, 2016). The moralistic political culture considers politics as a positive activity in the extent to which it promotes the public good. Upper New England and portions of the West are the central areas for this culture type. The individualistic political culture is based on the conception that politics should work like a marketplace with little concern for society at large. This type of culture is most prevalent in the Mid-Atlantic States. Finally, the traditionalistic political culture views politics as a privilege, its role being primarily to uphold traditional values (originally the racial caste system) as opposed to providing an advantage to society at large. The South is the regional focus for this type of culture (Fisher, 2016).

As the United States has distinct political regions, there are substantial differences in population and overall culture throughout the country. According to Fischer (1989), the United States is made up of four distinct regional cultures formed by different mass migrations into the country. He suggests that each of these regional cultures differ in beliefs, hopes, fears, and prejudices. North Carolina is in the Southeast region of the United States. The historical background of this area includes early European colonial settlements, the institution of slavery, the doctrine of states’ rights, and the legacy of the Confederacy during the American Civil War (Jacobson, 1992). As a result of the unique cultural and historic heritage, this region has developed its own customs, literature, musical styles, and varied culinary cuisines. For example, country music, jazz, and southern blues are part of the distinct culture of the Southeast region.

There are cultural variations within the Southeast region in general, and North Carolina specifically. There are three distinct regions of North Carolina: Mountains, Piedmont, and the Coastal Plain, each with a unique culture and population (North Carolina Department of Public Instruction, n.d.). Greensboro is located in the Piedmont, the central region of North Carolina. Within this region, the city is considered a member of the Piedmont Triad, which consists of the area within and surrounding the three cities of Greensboro, Winston-Salem, and Highpoint. This area is historically known as a hub of transportation and manufacturing. However, the Triad is also an important educational region, with more than 20 institutions of higher education (City of Winston-Salem, n.d.). This has created a high concentration of highly educated individuals as well as many secondary and supporting businesses. However, despite the affluence of a portion of the population, the poverty rate in Greensboro remains above the national average at 19.5%, likely due to the countrywide economic downturn as well as the loss of manufacturing jobs in Greensboro specifically (American Community Survey, 2015; City of Greensboro, 2017).

Greensboro is the third largest city in North Carolina, with a population of nearly 270,000 (U.S. Census, 2015). Although Greensboro is considered an urban area, the population density is below average for urban areas across the country (U.S. Census, 2010b). Greensboro is more ethnically diverse than most comparable urban areas, the state, and the nation (City of Greensboro, 2017). According to the U.S. Census (2010a), the primary ethnic groups in Greensboro are Hispanic (7.5%), European American (48.4%), and African American (40.6%). Our sample is generally representative of the ethnicity breakdown of the city of Greensboro.

As there is cultural variation within this society, there is also cultural divergence across societies. Due to these cultural variations, we expect to find significant differences in expression of gratitude and spending preferences between the sample in Greensboro, North Carolina, in the United States and in other societies. Mendonça, Merçon-Vargas, Payir, and Tudge (2018) examine these cultural differences in gratitude across cultures in detail. In contrast, we anticipate that we will see similar developmental trends across all societies including the United States such that older children will be more likely to express gratitude as a virtue than will younger children.

Method

Following the pioneering work of Baumgarten-Tramer (1938), to assess types of gratitude, we asked our participants to report their greatest wish and what they would do for the person who granted that wish (for further details, see Tudge, Freitas, Mokrova, & O’Brien, 2018). Children were asked to provide a wish because it is important to examine gratitude as a virtue in the context of having received something that is of value to the individual. We coded the wish responses into three primary categories: hedonistic (material or monetary gain), self well-being (non-material benefit to self), and other’s well-being (benefit to another individual). Gratitude was also coded into three main types: verbal (saying “thank you”), concrete (reciprocating with something the beneficiary, but not necessarily the benefactor, values), and connective (reciprocating with something of value to the benefactor), which most closely resembles gratitude as a virtue. To further explore the significance of children’s wishes, we examined the relation between types of wishes and the manner in which children would choose to spend their money (buy things for oneself, buy presents for friends or family, give to charity or the poor, or save for the future).

Based on the cultural model provided by Kağıtçıbaşı (2007, 2012), placing the United States in the autonomy-separate quadrant, we expect that children in the United States will be more likely to express concrete gratitude than will children in other cultures. Children residing in a culture that encourages autonomous behavior may be more likely to decide to reciprocate a kind act independently. However, if separateness is stressed over relatedness, children may be less likely to give back with something of benefit to the benefactor. Alternatively, we anticipate that we will see comparable developmental trends across all societies such that older children will be more likely to report connective gratitude and less likely to express concrete gratitude than younger children.

Sample

Our sample consists of 426 children aged 7 to 14 years (M = 9.98, SD = 2.05; 54% female) recruited through their schools in Greensboro, North Carolina. This is an ethnically diverse sample with 27% Black, 37% White, 26% Hispanic, and 10% “Other” or missing as reported by the parent. The sample is well balanced in socioeconomic status as measured by level of parent education with 52% working class and 48% middle class participants.

Results

Descriptive Statistics of Variables of Interest

Descriptive statistics of all principal variables are presented in Tables 1 and 2. As outlined in Tudge et al. (2018), some percentages may total more than 100 because some children provided more than one type of wish or gratitude.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Binary Variables Wishes and Gratitude (N = 426).

	Male		Female		All
	Freq	%	Freq	%	Freq	%
Wishes
Hedonistic	100	50.5	98	43.2	198	46.6
Self well-being	79	39.9	96	42.3	175	41.2
Other well-being	19	9.6	37	16.3	56	13.2
Total	198	100.0	231	101.8	429	101.0
Gratitude
Verbal	57	28.8	85	37.4	142	33.4
Concrete	78	39.4	66	29.1	144	33.9
Connective	69	34.8	95	41.9	164	38.6
Total	204	103.0	246	108.4	450	105.9

Note. Some percentages sum to greater than 100 because some children expressed more than one type of wish/gratitude. Freq = frequency, % = percentage of children expressing that type of wish/gratitude.

Table 2.

Descriptive Statistics for Continuous Variables Age and Spending Preferences (N = 426).

Variables	Male		Female		All
Variables	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD
Age	10.20	2.04	10.26	2.14	10.23	2.09
Spending preferences
Buy for self	22.55	20.47	19.28	17.20	20.82	18.86
Gifts for others	17.13	16.13	18.22	14.65	17.71	15.36
Save	36.94	26.25	35.78	23.35	36.32	24.72
Give to charity	24.17	20.28	27.07	19.72	25.71	20.01

Binomial Logistic Regressions Examining Relations Between Age, Gender, and Wish Types and Types of Gratitude

To examine the relation between age, gender, and types of wishes reported and gratitude type, we conducted a series of binomial logistic regression analyses with each type of gratitude as the dependent variable. In each set of analyses, age and gender were included in the first model to examine main effects of age while controlling for gender. In the second model, wishes were included as predictors (for further details on analyses, see Tudge et al., 2018). Results of the second models of all binomial logistic regression analyses are shown in Table 3.

Table 3.

Logistic Regression Analyses of Age, Gender, and Wish Type on Types of Gratitude (N = 425).

Predictor	Gratitude types
	Verbal			Concrete			Connective
	B	SE B	e^B	B	SE B	e^B	B	SE B	e^B
Age	0.06	0.06	1.06	−0.17**	0.06	0.85	0.20***	0.06	1.22
Gender	−0.35	0.21	0.71	0.45*	0.21	1.57	0.27	0.21	1.31
Wish type
Hedonistic	−0.40	0.39	0.67	−0.23	0.38	0.79	0.09	0.37	1.10
Self well-being	−0.99*	0.39	0.37	0.04	0.38	1.05	0.08	0.37	0.04
Other well-being	−0.91*	0.43	0.40	0.04	0.44	1.04	0.46	0.41	1.59
Nagelkerke R²	.06			.07			.07
χ²	19.60**			21.56**			22.45***

Note. Reference group set to first for gender and all wish types. Step 2 of analyses included in table. Gender coded male = 0, female = 1, Wish Types coded no = 0, yes = 1.

e^B = exponentiated B.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

The results show that age had a significant main effect on verbal gratitude (B = 0.12, e^B = 1.13, p < .05). That is, with each year of age, children were about 1.1 times more likely to report verbal gratitude. However, when wishes were added to the model, that effect was not significant. This indicates that, because there are substantial age-related differences in wish type, the effect of age is likely due to variations in wish type by age. In addition, we found that those wishing for the well-being of both themselves (B = −0.99, e^B = 0.37, p < .05) and others (B = −0.91, e^B = 0.40, p < .05) were less likely to report verbal gratitude. As hypothesized, there were significant age-related differences in concrete gratitude with wish types included in the model (B = −0.17, e^B = 0.85, p < .01), in that for each year increase in age, children were about 1.2 times less likely to indicate concrete gratitude. Gender, controlling for age, was significantly related to concrete gratitude, with male participants being more likely to report this type of gratitude (B = 0.45, e^B = 1.57, p < .05). Also as expected, age was significantly related to connective gratitude beyond the effect of wish type such that with each year increase in age, children were 1.2 times more likely to report connective gratitude (B = .20, e^B = 1.22, p < .001).

Linear Regression Analyses Examining Relations Between Age, Gender, and Wish Types and Spending Preferences

To examine the relation between types of wishes and reported spending preferences, we conducted a series of four linear regression analyses with each type of spending preference as the dependent variable and including as independent variables only age and gender in the first step and age, gender, and each type of wish in the second step (for further details on analyses, see Tudge et al., 2018). Results of Step 2 of these analyses are presented in Table 4.

Table 4.

Regression Analyses of Age, Gender, and Wish Type on Spending Preferences (N = 421).

Predictor	Spending preferences
	Buy for oneself			Gifts for others			Save			Give to charity
	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β	B	SE B	β
Age	−0.04	0.05	−0.04	−0.09	0.04	−0.12*	0.20	0.06	0.17**	−0.08	0.05	−0.09^†
Gender	−0.27	0.18	−0.07	−0.13	0.15	0.04	−0.06	0.24	−0.01	0.16	0.19	0.04
Wish type
Hedonistic	0.45	0.33	0.12	−0.17	0.27	−0.06	−0.17	0.27	−0.06	−0.33	0.34	−0.08
Self well-being	0.26	0.33	0.07	−0.11	0.27	−0.04	−0.65	0.43	−0.13	0.31	0.34	0.08
Other well-being	−0.32	0.37	−0.06	−0.29	0.31	−0.07	−0.94	0.49	−0.13^†	1.53	0.38	0.26***
R ²	.03			.18			.03			.09
F	2.48*			0.57			2.41*			7.77***

Note. Step 2 of analyses included in table.

†

p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Results show that age had a significant effect on both buying gifts for friends or family and saving types of spending preferences. Older children were less likely to report buying gifts (β = −.12, p < .05), but more likely to report the desire to save their money (β = .17, p < .01). In addition, as a general trend, older children tended to be less likely to give to charity than younger children (β = −.09, p = .094). We also found that those individuals who expressed a wish for the well-being of another were significantly more likely to also report the desire to spend their money on giving to charity or the poor (β = .26, p < .001). These same children tended to be less likely to express the desire to save their money (β = −.13, p = .056).

Discussion

The Unites States is a diverse nation with regard to ethnicity, politics, and religion. The data collection site, Greensboro, North Carolina, is located in the Southeastern region of the United States. Culturally, the United States South holds remnantsof its history of slavery, Jim Crow laws, and the doctrine of states’ rights. This region is more ethnically diverse with higher levels of poverty than other areas of the country. As for religious context, Christianity is deeply rooted in the culture of the country and the South in particular. Politically, this area is considered to be traditionalistic with an emphasis on established social order. Although the country, and this region specifically, is increasingly diverse, based on these cultural, ethnic, religious, and political aspects, it is likely that this area of the country would have maintained some of the traditional individualistic features of the United States.

According to Kağıtçıbaşı (2007, 2012), the United States, overall, would be considered to demonstrate features of autonomy and separateness. In general, Western societies tend to put more emphasis on self-reliance and individual success than do other societies. These aspects may present in the differentiation of the expressions of gratitude, wishes, and spending preferences that children and adolescents report in comparison with other societies. Children socialized in an autonomous-separate culture may be more likely to act independently and less likely to take another’s perspective into account in their behavior. Based on these features, we anticipated that individuals developing in the context of Greensboro, North Carolina, in the United States would be likely to report more concrete gratitude and less connective gratitude overall as compared with those in other societies. Mendonça et al. (2018) examine between-society comparisons of gratitude, wishes, and spending preferences in the United States, Russia, Brazil, China, South Korea, Guatemala, and Turkey. In contrast, we hypothesized that there would be a common developmental trend across societies such that older children would be more likely to express connective gratitude and less likely to express concrete gratitude than younger children.

Research examining cultural differences in expressions of gratitude found a higher probability of connective gratitude in Chinese children than North American children (Wang et al., 2015). Based on the emphasis on self-reliance, it is likely that North American parents are more likely to encourage separateness in their children’s behaviors than are parents in other societies resulting in lower levels of perspective-taking. Although children in the United States may take initiative to give back, they may also be less likely to take into account the desires of their benefactor in the reciprocation as compared with children from cultures emphasizing relatedness. This underscores the importance of understanding the cultural and familial processes involved in the development of gratitude.

Although these findings suggest differences in the socialization of gratitude across cultures, it is important to point out that this study found cultural differences in relation to only Chinese culture. The United States and China are often treated as opposite extremes on a continuum (Hofstede, 2001). However, these dichotomous value systems have been criticized as overly simplistic (Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2008). Drawing on the cultural model proposed by Kağıtçıbaşı (2007, 2012), we describe cultures based on their placement on two orthogonal dimensions, agency and connectedness, wherein the United States would be considered in the autonomous-separate quadrant and urban and educated areas of China would be expected to fit into the autonomous-related quadrant. However, some societies which are similarly high in relatedness, such as Turkey, have significant cultural distinctions from China. To truly understand cultural variations, it is important to examine a variety of cultures with distinct features, customs, and values. This special issue has attempted to provide a cross-cultural examination among a variety of cultures with the aim of understanding the contextual processes involved in the development of gratitude in children and adolescents.

Furthermore, though the United States society may be considered autonomous-separate overall, there is a great deal of diversity within this larger culture, even within the smaller culture of the south, and Greensboro, North Carolina, specifically. We suspect that the socialization of values is more complex than Kağıtçıbaşı (2007, 2012) implied, and that even in the United States are to be found cultural groups that also value autonomy-relatedness and even heteronomy-relatedness (see, for example, Kohn, 1995; Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002). However, it remains the case that the family and cultural group into which one is born has a profound influence on the extent to which children are encouraged to think about others and to act autonomously.

Although cultural variations may impact these expressions, there is likely a developmental trend that is parallel across societies. We hypothesized that older children would be more likely to report connective gratitude and less likely to articulate concrete gratitude across societies. In fact, in the United States, we found that older children were more inclined to report connective gratitude and less apt to report expressing concrete gratitude than were younger children. The fact that older children are more inclined to report connective gratitude is likely due to the increased capacity to behave autonomously and to take the perspective of others with age and experience (Tudge, Freitas, & O’Brien, 2015). We found additional age-related differences in spending preferences in this sample. Older children were less likely to report the desire to buy gifts for others, but more inclined to report wanting to save their money. This propensity of older children to save money is likely due to the increased ability to plan ahead for one’s future as children develop (Steinberg et al., 2009).

We also found that children wishing for the well-being of themselves or the well-being of others were less likely to express verbal gratitude. In terms of spending preferences, we found significant relations between one type of wish and spending preferences in this sample. Perhaps unsurprisingly, children whose wishes were directed toward the well-being of another were highly likely to say that they would give money to charity and were not likely to want to save their money. This indicates consistency of character in that those children already wishing for a benefit to others are likely to also express a desire to spend their money in the service of other individuals.

Based on these results, it is clear that there are age-related differences in the expression of social connectedness and gratitude. Our findings on the development of gratitude in the United States demonstrate that older children are more likely to express gratitude as a virtue than are younger children indicating a developmental process in the capacity for autonomy and relatedness. However, in this society, not all older children expressed wishes to benefit others or the virtue of gratitude. It is important to understand the specific familial and societal culture that encourages the expression of compassion and gratitude toward others. The findings in this issue bring us one step closer to this goal as well as our ongoing work interviewing parents and children regarding their interconnected gratitude development.

The objective of this issue is to examine variations across societies in wishes, gratitude, and spending preferences. This article focused on children in Greensboro, North Carolina, in the United States. Compared with the situation in many other societies, there are significant ethnic, religious, and political differences in the United States and within Greensboro, North Carolina, specifically. For simplicity of comparison across societies, we did not examine ethnic differences within our diverse sample in this article. The DGRG has begun the complex process of investigating ethnic differences within the United States regarding the development of the virtue of gratitude (Merçon-Vargas, 2017)

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Lia O’Brien received her PhD in developmental psychology at Temple University. She acted as the project coordinator of the Developing Gratitude Research Group. Currently, she is an assistant professor of psychology at West Chester University of Pennsylvania.

Sara E. Mendonça has a master of education degree from the University of Illinois and a master of science degree in human development and family studies from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro where she currently is a research assistant working on her doctorate with Jonathan Tudge. She has authored several journal articles and book chapters on the topic of gratitude.

Uzama S. Price completed her doctorate in education at Argosy University in 2014. At the completion of her doctorate, she joined the Development of Gratitude Research Project as a social clinical research associate at the University of North Carolina Greensboro in August 2014. She is currently employed at Cardinal Innovations Healthcare as a clinical support specialist in the care coordination department.

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