Abstract
This retrospective medical chart review examined the prevalence of overweight/obesity (≥85th percentile) and obesity (≥95th percentile) in Hispanic foster children aged 2–18 years in Los Angeles, California. Logistic regression was used for boys and girls separately to analyze polyvictimization (i.e., one vs. two or more types of maltreatment), type of maltreatment (abuse vs. neglect), and age-group as risk factors for overweight and obesity. Almost 40% of participants were overweight/obese, with the highest prevalence (47.7%) observed among children aged 12–18. Children aged 6–18 were at an increased risk of overweight/obesity and obesity compared with children aged 2–5. Although polyvictimization has been shown to have adverse health effects, in this study, it was related to slightly lower odds of obesity for boys but was unrelated to high weight for girls. Addressing the obesity epidemic among Hispanic foster children is vital to preventing continued obesity and the development of obesity-related health problems, especially by focusing on important community and family influences.
During the 1990s, one of the primary medical problems identified among children in foster care was underweight (Halfon, Mendonca, & Berkowitz, 1995; Silver et al., 1999). Several recent studies, however, have found that children in foster care are more likely to be overweight and obese than the general population (Helton & Diaz, 2012; Kim, Ham, Lee, & Lee, 2009; Schneiderman, Leslie, Arnold-Clark, McDaniel, & Xie, 2011). Studying weight problems among Hispanic children in foster care is particularly critical, because rates of both obesity and placement in foster care have been increasing for this population. The proportion of Hispanic children in foster care has more than doubled from 1982 to 2006, from 6.7% to 19% of the U.S. foster care population (Casey Family Programs, 2009). In 2010, Hispanic children comprised 44% of the total foster care population in California (National Kids Count Program, 2010). In a national sample, 39% of the Hispanic children and adolescents between 2 and 19 years old were overweight, and approximately 21% were obese compared to rates of 32% and 17%, respectively, across all racial and ethnic groups (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, & Flegal, 2012). High-weight problems can put all children at risk of health consequences (Koplan, Liverman, & Kraak, 2005; McCarthy et al., 2008), but some cardiovascular health problems and type 2 diabetes seem to affect obese ethnic minority children more often than obese White children (Flores et al., 2002; Kumanyika & Grier, 2006; Narayan, Boyle, Thompson, Sorensen, & Williamson, 2003).
The toxic stress framework suggests that great, frequent, or prolonged adversity, such as child maltreatment, may activate children’s stress response systems and have detrimental consequences on health and development (Shonkoff, 2010). One potential pathway from toxic stress to negative health outcomes may be problems regulating cortisol (McEwen & Seeman, 1999; Shonkoff, Richter, van der Gaag, & Bhutta, 2012), which may increase the risk of overweight or obesity (Dockray, Susman, & Dorn, 2009; Peeke & Chrousos, 1995). According to the toxic stress framework, children experiencing more prolonged or severe maltreatment would exhibit poorer health and developmental outcomes, including more weight problems. Research on adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) has supported this hypothesis. Adults with ACEs were at increased risk of substance use, risky sexual activity, smoking, and serious health consequences, such as cardiovascular disease and obesity (Felitti et al., 1998). The ACE study also found that these stressors were interrelated and that having one increased the likelihood of having multiple ACEs (Dong et al., 2004). Child maltreatment researchers have found that examining exposure to multiple types of abuse or neglect, or polyvictimization, may help explain adverse consequences more clearly than comparing types of abuse and neglect with one another (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007a). Studies have found that polyvictimization experienced by children was associated with trauma symptoms, psychological distress, and lower grades in school (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007b; Holt, Finkelhor, & Kantor, 2007). Children with four or more ACEs had twice the odds of being overweight or obese than children with no ACEs (Burke, Hellman, Scott, Weems, & Carrion, 2011). Thus, polyvictimization may better predict overweight and obesity in children entering foster care than individual types of maltreatment.
Researchers have explored the relationship between childhood maltreatment and overweight and obesity, and numerous retrospective studies have found links between adult obesity and self-reported childhood maltreatment (Aaron & Hughes, 2007; Chartier, Walker, & Naimark, 2009; Dube, Cook, & Edwards, 2010; Felitti et al., 1998; Midei, Matthews, & Bromberger, 2010; Noll, Zeller, Trickett, & Putnam, 2007; Williamson, Thompson, Anda, Dietz, & Felitti, 2002). In contrast to what is known about the relationship between childhood maltreatment and later weight problems during adulthood, little is known about the relationship between maltreatment and weight problems during childhood. Furthermore, research investigating whether weight problems are associated with all forms of child maltreatment or only certain forms has been inconsistent.
Studies examining the link between neglect and high-weight problems suggest a complex picture. In one study of 3- to 9-year-old children, which used caregiver ratings and observations in the home, care neglect was related to higher weight categories for younger but not older children, and supervisory neglect was related to higher weight categories for older but not younger children (Knutson, Taber, Murray, Valles, & Koeppl, 2010). In a sample of preschool children from 20 metropolitan U.S. cities, maternal self-report of neglectful behavior was associated with an increased risk of childhood obesity (Whitaker, Phillips, Orzol, & Burdette, 2007), whereas another study using child welfare records suggested that chronic neglect was related to lower weight percentiles for children between 8 and 9 years old (Bennett, Sullivan, Thompson, & Lewis, 2010). Child welfare records of maltreatment among young adolescents also indicated that neglect reduces the odds of obesity for girls but not for boys (Schneiderman, Mennen, Negriff, & Trickett, 2012).
It may be that other types of maltreatment provoke a greater stress reaction than neglect—particularly sexual abuse and physical abuse (Margolin & Gordis, 2000; Trickett, Negriff, Ji, & Peckins, 2011). Physical and sexual abuses have been linked to cortisol attenuation in adults (Harkness, Stewart, & Wynne-Edwards, 2011). In one study, emotional abuse also predicted cortisol attenuation (Carpenter et al., 2009), although another study found that emotional abuse was less related to cortisol regulation than physical and sexual abuse (Cicchetti, Rogosch, Gunnar, & Toth, 2010). The relationship between abuse, including physical, emotional, and sexual abuse, and high-weight problems is also unclear. In a study using self-reported history of maltreatment, adolescents who were victims of physical abuse had a greater tendency to be overweight in late adolescence or young adulthood than adolescents who had been sexually abused, neglected, or both (Clark, Thatcher, & Martin, 2010). Other studies, which also used self-reported history of maltreatment, found no association between a childhood history of sexual abuse and weight problems in adolescence or early adulthood (Holmberg & Hellberg, 2010; Hussey, Chang, & Kotch, 2006). Counter to these findings, boy and girls with child welfare-documented sexual and physical abuse had slightly reduced odds of obesity (Schneiderman et al., 2012). Emotional abuse has not been examined as often as physical and sexual abuse in the childhood overweight and obesity literature. Thus, there is some indication that specific types of abuse may be associated with both increased and decreased rates of obesity, but there is more evidence that childhood abuse is related to a stress response, although more research is needed to determine how abuse is related to weight problems.
Inconsistent findings regarding maltreatment and childhood obesity and overweight may stem from the poor quality of some previous studies. Specifically, some studies have used self- or caregiver-reported height and weight (e.g. Holmberg & Hellberg, 2010) which have been found to be inaccurate (Dubois & Girad, 2007; Sherry, Jefferds, & Grummer-Strawn, 2007). Measuring heights and weights to identify weight problems is more valid and reliable (Akerman, Williams, & Meunier, 2007; Merrill & Richardson, 2009) than self- or caregiver-reported heights and weights. Also, some studies have used self- or caregiver-reported maltreatment (e.g., Knutson et al., 2010; Whitaker et al., 2007) which may not include all types of maltreatment. Using the toxic stress framework, we sought to clarify current understanding of how types of maltreatment and polyvictimization, in particular, might put Hispanic children at risk of overweight or obesity. A recent meta-analysis found that childhood maltreatment was related to obesity throughout the life course, but the relationship was not significant in studies of children and adolescents, although only 9 of the 41 research papers included children as participants, and polyvictimization was not studied (Danese & Tan, 2013).
To address these gaps in the extant research, we undertook a retrospective medical chart review, using height and weight measurements and child welfare-documented maltreatment from medical records of a sample of Hispanic children entering foster care in Los Angeles, CA, to examine (a) the prevalence of weight categories upon entrance to foster care and (b) the relationships between high-weight categories, including overweight/obesity and obesity, and number and type of maltreatment, gender, and age. We predicted that children who had been polyvictimized would be at greater risk of high-weight problems. We also examined the relationships among physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, or a combination of two or more, compared with only neglect, and high-weight categories. We predicted that children who had been abused would more likely be overweight or obese than children who had been neglected only. Underweight participants (n = 42; 2.02%) were excluded when examining the relationships among number of maltreatment types, age, and gender with overweight or obesity because the subsample was too small for regression analysis.
Method
Setting and Sample
The setting for data collection was the Community-Based Assessment and Treatment Center (CATC), a pediatric clinic linked to the Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS) that only serves children receiving child welfare services. Los Angeles County requires that all children entering foster care receive a comprehensive medical evaluation at a specialized foster care clinic. CATC is one of the specialized clinics and receives direct referrals from DCFS. We collected data on all children between 2 and 18 years old who (a) attended an initial medical appointment when they entered foster care at CATC and (b) were not pregnant (N = 2,927). We limited our participants to those children who had maltreatment type listed in their medical records or forensic exam records (N = 2,577) and excluded 350 participants who did not have maltreatment data. CATC is located in East Los Angeles, a predominately Hispanic area of Los Angeles. Our sample included a greater percentage of Hispanics (80.6%) than the total population served by DCFS (58.5%; County of Los Angeles DCFS, 2012). We used a within-group design and restricted our study to Hispanic participants who met all inclusion criteria (N = 2,078), excluding 499 participants who were not Hispanic. There were no differences in the proportions of obesity, overweight, and underweight between study participants and excluded participants. The University of Southern California Institutional Review Board, DCFS, and the Juvenile Division of the Los Angeles Superior Court granted approval (with individual consent exemption) for this retrospective study.
The medical records were dated from April 2006 to February 2011. From the medical records, we collected child characteristics including birth date, gender, ethnicity, examination date, weight in kilograms, and height in centimeters. Heights and weights were measured by a trained nursing assistant at the beginning of the pediatric medical exam using a Scale-Tronix scale and Seca height instrument. We also collected information on child maltreatment type (neglect, physical abuse, emotional abuse, and sexual abuse) from the medical records (Barnett, Manly, & Cicchetti, 1993). Maltreatment type was listed in a section on each medical record featuring DCFS referral information. We were unable to obtain original DCFS records. The reliability of the DCFS-identified maltreatment type was high (100% agreement), because the description entered was simple and brief (e.g., “general neglect” or “child and sibling physically abused”). For a small amount of participants (8%), DCFS-identified maltreatment type was missing; therefore, we read the full-length forensic examination documentation that included maltreatment history. For those children, we collaboratively identified the type of maltreatment in conjunction with expert consultation from a board-certified Child Abuse Pediatrician.
Data Analysis
Frequencies of age, gender, type of maltreatment, and number of maltreatment types were calculated. We divided participants into the three age categories used in the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES): 2–5, 6–11, and 12–19 years. Age- and gender-adjusted weight percentile rankings were calculated for all participants based on the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) 2000 growth chart (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2011). The weight categories for the participants were identified using body mass index (BMI) percentiles: normal weight (≥5th percentile and <85th percentile), obese (≥95th percentile), overweight (≥85th percentile and <95th percentile), and underweight (<5th percentile). To identify high-weight problems in the population, we also examined the prevalence of overweight and obesity combined (≥85th percentile). BMI percentile is a measure of relative weight rather than adiposity and is the preferred measure of overweight and obesity (Whitlock, Williams, Gold, Smith, & Shipman, 2005). Children in high-weight categories have been found to more likely have adverse health risks and become obese adults than children with normal weights (Freedman & Sherry, 2009).
Logistic regression was used to analyze the relationships between overweight and obesity and polyvictimization (i.e., one type of maltreatment vs. two or more types of maltreatment), abuse (physical, sexual, emotional, or a combination without neglect vs. neglect without abuse), and age compared with normal weight. All analyses were conducted separately for boys and girls, because the development of weight problems can differ between genders (Pigeot et al., 2009; Prentice-Dunn & Prentice-Dunn, 2012; Wisniewski & Chernausek, 2009) as can relationships between certain types of maltreatment and weight problems (e.g., Schneiderman et al., 2012). For all analyses, the significance level was p < .05.
Results
The sample was distributed relatively evenly across age and gender, although boys were younger than girls (p < .001; see Table 1 for details on the types of maltreatment experienced by children of different ages and genders). Most children were in foster care because of neglect, followed by physical abuse, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse. The specific combinations of maltreatment are presented in Table 2. Table 2 also identifies the categorization of abuse without neglect, which was used in the regression model. Most participants had only one type of reported maltreatment, with 30.8% of children experiencing at least two types and 8.2% experiencing at least three types. The distribution of weight categories of participants is presented in Table 3. Approximately 40% of the participants in this study were overweight/obese.
Description of Hispanic Sample.
Note. PA = physical abuse; EA = emotional abuse; SA = sexual abuse; Any = children who experienced this type of maltreatment in any combination with other types of maltreatment; Only Neglect = children who were neglected but did not experience any other type of maltreatment; Only Abuse = children who experienced either emotional, physical, or sexual abuse (in any combination) but not neglect; SD = standard deviation. Males were younger than females in this sample (M = 0.70 years apart, SD = 4.5 years; p < .001). Combined values of specific maltreatment types may exceed 100%, because 804 (31.2%) participants reported more than one type of maltreatment.
Combinations of Maltreatment Types in Descending Order.
aCombinations of abuse included in the abuse-only category.
Prevalence of Weight Categories.
Note. CDC = Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; Underweight = <5th percentile; normal = ≥5th and <85th percentiles; overweight = ≥85th and <95th percentiles; obese = ≥95th percentile; overweight/obese = ≥85th percentile on CDC 2000 growth charts (CDC, 2011).
Relationships Among Overweight and Obesity, Age, and Maltreatment
In Table 4, the odds ratios (OR) and confidence intervals (CIs) estimating the relationships between age, polyvictimization, and abuse versus neglect, and high-weight categories are presented. For both girls and boys, children between 6- and 18 years old were significantly more likely than 2- to 5-year-old children to be obese or overweight/obese than normal weight (p < .05). Furthermore, children between 12 and 18 years old were more likely to be obese or overweight/obese than 6- to 11-year-old children (p < .05). Specifically, children in the 6–11 years age-group were approximately 1.5 times more likely to be overweight/obese or obese than normal weight. Children in the 12–18 years age-group were approximately 2 times more likely to be overweight/obese or obese than normal weight. Polyvictimization, compared with having only one maltreatment type, did not significantly increase or decrease the likelihood of being in the high-weight categories for girls in this Hispanic sample. However, boys who experienced polyvictimization were less likely to be obese (OR = 0.56, 95% CI [0.35, 0.90]) or overweight/obese (OR = 0.67, 95% CI [0.46, 0.97]). Abuse did not put girls or boys at increased risk of obesity or overweight/obesity compared with neglect.
The Relationships Between Age and Maltreatment With Overweight and Obesity by Gender.
Note. CDC = Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; CI = confidence interval; Only neglect = neglect without any other types of maltreatment; only abuse = physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, or a combination without neglect; Ref = reference category; OR = odds ratio; Normal = ≥5th and <85th percentiles; obese = ≥95th percentile; and overweight/obese = ≥85th percentile on CDC 2000 growth charts (CDC, 2011). ORs in bold are significant at p < .05. Forty-two participants were underweight and were not included in the analysis.
Discussion
Using validated records of height, weight, and maltreatment history, we found that the prevalence of overweight/obesity among Hispanic foster children in this study was similar to Hispanic children in the 2007–2008 NHANES (39.5% vs. 38.2%, respectively; Ogden, Carroll, Curtin, Lamb, & Flegal, 2010). However, the prevalence of overweight/obesity among 12- to 18-year-old children was 6% higher than a similar Hispanic age-group in the NHANES, and the prevalence of obesity was 4% higher for 12- to 18-year-old children in our sample compared with the NHANES (the NHANES sample included children from 2 to 19 years old). In 2007–2008, the prevalence of obesity in fifth-, seventh-, and ninth-grade public school children in Los Angeles county was 23% (County of Los Angeles Department of Public Health, 2011), which is similar to the 6- to 11-year-old children (23.1%) and 12- to 18-year-old children (24.9%) in our study. The obesity levels in our sample reflect the childhood obesity epidemic present in Los Angeles county. Underweight was not a significant problem for children in this sample; the prevalence of underweight among our population was smaller than that recorded in the NHANES estimates for 2007–2008 for all ethnicities (2.0% vs. 3.7%, respectively; Fryar & Ogden, 2010).
The only significant relationship between maltreatment and the high-weight categories contradicted our study hypotheses. According to the toxic stress framework, negative experiences such as polyvictimization and child abuse may interfere with healthy development and lead to weight problems for children in the child welfare system. However, polyvictimization was associated with a reduced probability of high-weight problems for boys. These results should be interpreted cautiously because they do not replicate previous research. Nonetheless, it is possible to understand reduced high-weight problems among polyvictimized boys in terms of gender differences concerning emotional and binge eating. Boys are no more likely to overeat under conditions of worry, tension, and anxiety than when these distressing triggers are not present (Nguyen-Rodriguez, Unger, & Spruijt-Metz, 2009). Binge eating is also more common in adolescent females than males (Swanson, Crow, Le Grange, Swendsen, & Merikangas, 2011), and this may also play a role in the gender differences we found; however, binge eating prevalence was found to be more similar between genders in young children in other research (Tanofsky-Kraff et al., 2012). Future research on high-weight problems among foster children should measure emotional distress and related binge eating at different stages of development and across genders. For example, young girls and boys with adverse circumstances, such as childhood maltreatment, may engage in emotional or binge eating at similar rates, but older boys may be less likely to overeat when experiencing emotional distress and rather exhibit externalizing symptoms (Bongers, Koot, van der Ende, & Verhulst, 2004; Gavazzi, Lim, Yarcheck, Bostic, & Scheer, 2008; Sanchez, Lambert, & Cooley-Strickland, 2013) that would less likely result in obesity or overweight.
Based, in part, on data from the ACE study, the CDC has proposed that maltreatment leads to childhood toxic stress that affects childhood health (Middlebrooks & Audage, 2008). Although we expected abuse to be a more stressful experience than neglect and be associated with increased risk of weight problems, in this study, we did not find any significant differences between abuse and neglect relating to high-weight categories. ACEs include not only childhood maltreatment but also family experiences, such as having an alcohol abuser, drug abuser, or both in the home; an incarcerated household member; a mother who has been treated violently; or the presence of only one parent or no parents (Burke et al., 2011). Unfortunately, in this retrospective study, we were only able to collect data on maltreatment. It may be that maltreatment does not represent the complete picture of possible childhood life stresses that lead to obesity. In a study of obesity among young adolescents, participants with maltreatment had a similar prevalence of obesity as a comparison sample from the same community (Schneiderman et al., 2012). Community and family influences could be more influential in the development of obesity in children than maltreatment. It is also possible that negative outcomes of maltreatment may be cumulative and occur over a longer time frame. For example, in a prospective longitudinal study by Noll, Zeller, Trickett, and Putnam (2007), there were no significant differences in weight between sexually abused girls and a comparison group during adolescence, although the sexually abused group had higher BMI levels than the comparison group in early adulthood.
Although our hypotheses were not confirmed, the Hispanic study population had a high prevalence of overweight and obesity. The American Medical Association recently identified that obesity is a disease that requires active treatment by the medical and social welfare communities (American Medical Association, 2012). Many obesity prevention or intervention programs for Hispanic children have been designed to address several factors that contribute to overweight or obesity (i.e., diet, exercise, and thoughts about weight; Olvera et al., 2010; Stevens, 2012) and to promote change at several environmental levels (i.e., the individual child, the family, the school, and the community; Crespo et al., 2012). For younger Hispanic children, parent-focused interventions may be the most effective, especially in terms of promoting nutritious eating and physical activity (Crespo et al., 2012); however, these interventions have not been tested with foster care families. In this study, adolescents had the highest rates of overweight and obesity. Preliminary research has suggested that both classroom- and home-based nutrition interventions may be promising approaches to reducing obesity in Hispanic adolescents (Davis et al., 2007). In addition, including physical activities (e.g., dance classes or cardiovascular exercises) in obesity interventions for Hispanic teens may be important (e.g., Shaibi et al., 2012).
Limitations
The primary limitation of this study was the use of existing medical records, which limited the type of data collected. For example, the maltreatment data used in this study were taken from the children’s medical records. DCFS shared the maltreatment information upon referral to CATC, and the data analyzed in this study may not include other types of maltreatment identified by DCFS after the medical referral was made. However, using medical records rather than self- or caregiver-reported weight and height also represents a strength of this study, because it likely improved the BMI percentile accuracy. We were unable to control for gestational age or birth weight of young children; this information is usually not known by foster caregivers or medical providers (Taveras et al., 2009). Also, we were unable to control parental weight status, which is a predictor of child and adolescent obesity (Davison, Francis, & Birch, 2005). Additionally, we were unable to control for pubertal status among older children. Some researchers have questioned the validity of BMI percentile weight categories for measuring the percentage of body fat and risk of negative health consequences (Bray, DeLany, Volaufova, Harsha, & Champagne, 2002; Zimmermann, Gubeli, Puntener, & Molinari, 2004). BMI weight categories are thought to be valid indicators of body fatness at the higher end of the BMI scale, but the value of this measure may be limited for underweight children (Freedman & Sherry, 2009). This fact suggests that the results from this study pertaining to children in the overweight or obesity categories are more valid than the results for children in the normal or underweight category. Future research could benefit from using other measures of body fatness (e.g., skinfold measures or waist circumference). However, these measures were not included in the medical records used in this study.
Unfortunately, because this study was a retrospective medical record review, we were not able to access potentially relevant additional variables, such as those that might reflect the likely heterogeneity within our Hispanic sample (e.g., language and birth place of parents or children). The use of official child welfare reports of maltreatment captured only what professionals noted in their investigations and official reports and, thus, may not have captured the totality of participant experiences (Shaffer, Huston, & Egeland, 2008). The experiences of children with self- or caregiver-reported maltreatment may differ from the experiences of children with child welfare-documented maltreatment (Gilbert et al., 2009). To more fully test the toxic stress framework’s predictions regarding the relationship between childhood maltreatment and high-weight problems, it would have been helpful to have more information about the maltreatment experienced in this sample (e.g., severity and chronicity). However, we did have the ability to examine how multiple maltreatment experiences might have induced greater stress responses and subsequent increased weight gain. Generalizability was limited due to the urban and Hispanic characteristics of the sample population; thus, the results cannot be extended to nonurban or non-Hispanic populations. No comparable local sample of children not involved in the child welfare system was available.
Conclusion
Child welfare officials need to work with the pediatric health community to address obesity among Hispanic foster children. Although Hispanic adolescents in this study were more likely to be overweight or obese than younger children, as well as other Hispanic adolescents in the total U.S. population, addressing obesity in early childhood might be important, because obesity may be self-perpetuating and more difficult to treat during adolescence (Skinner, Steiner, & Perrin, 2012). Afterschool physical activity programs have proven useful in reducing weight among overweight or obese children (Mahoney, Lord, & Carryl, 2005), and child welfare workers can refer foster caregivers of overweight or obese children to local afterschool programs. Further research is required to determine the relationships among all ACEs with weight problems among children entering foster care and the relationship between obesity and co-occurring health problems in the population of children in foster care. Hispanic children in this study who were maltreated and entered foster care had a high prevalence of overweight and obesity, and the coordinated efforts of child welfare and the pediatric health care community are needed to address this pervasive public health threat.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of National Institutes of Health or the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development. The authors acknowledge the University of Southern California, School of Social Work, Hamovitch Center for Science in the Human Services for a grant from the Larson Endowment for Innovative Research and Teaching. The authors thank Eric Lindberg for editorial assistance.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The authors want to acknowledge the National Institutes of Health for the grant that supported this research: the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development K01-HD05798 (PI: Schneiderman) and University of Southern California, School of Social Work, Hamovitch Center for Science in the Human Services for a grant from the Larson Endowment for Innovative Research and Teaching.
