Knitting meaning: Understanding the origin,the history,and the preservation of a traditional cultural practice of the Arhuaca indigenous community

Arhuaca community and cultural identity

In order to discuss the cultural identity, it is important to refer to the knowledge, acknowledgement, and appropriation of historical memory, of a common past. Such past is adopted by the community and is kept in the individual and collective memory (Zaragoza, 2010, p. 153). In concrete terms, identity is based on a subjective self-perception, self-representation, and self-acknowledgement that define existence and lifestyle. It is where “the individual exists for himself and for others” (Waldman, 2000, p. 317) and the way how members of a group define themselves and those they relate to (Zaragoza, 2010).

This highlights the fact that cultural identity is related to definitions, not only your own but also that of others as well. Therefore, subjectivity is manifested in a system of values and vision of the world that belong to a determined group of individuals, where culture is the basis of their identity and purpose in life “both in itself and duty” based on “shared values” (ibid, p. 154). This type of identity is clearly evident in ethnic groups, where communities show biological preservation and share cultural values, communication and exchange. Their members can be easily identified and distinguished from others (ibid).

Thus, in traditional cultures, and most specifically in the indigenous population, “knowledge, wisdom, and customs are intertwined with visions of the cosmos, symbolic formations and taxonomic systems through which the nature is classified and resources are distributed.” As a result, “culture assigns value and meaning to the nature, through forms of cognition, their means of denomination and resource appropriation strategies” (Leff, 2001, p. 32). This is the case of the Arhuacos (or Iku), an indigenous community from the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, a mountain range located in the north of Colombia and declared by UNESCO in 1979 as a Man and Biosphere Reservoir (Giraldo, 2010; OEA, 2008) (see Figure 1). According to the National Planning Department of Colombia (2010), there are more than 85 ethnic groups or indigenous people distributed in 29 regions of the country, who speak approximately 68 Amerindian languages and 292 dialects. One of them is the Arhuacos:

… in their native language Iku means “people”. They are an indigenous group that has inhabited Niwi Umuke, a sacred territory, since ancient times. Niwi Umuke is most commonly known in the Bonachi world [a term in Iku language referring to the non-Arhuacos] such as the area of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta. They have their own language and laws, live off cultivating the land, and their spirituality plays a vital role. They are guided by the Mamus, priests and spiritual guides. There are about 18,000 Ikus with their indigenous brothers, Kankuamos, Kkoguis and Wiwas. (OEA, 2008, p. 25) OPEN IN VIEWER

For this community “the nature is its mother; therefore, it should be looked after and respected.” La Sierra is the basis and essence of being Iku and foundation for all that has been created. Everything that exists today has been created there in spirit, before the light, when there was only darkness. It is where the principle of life-cycle takes place in rocks, lagoons, mountains, and valleys. This is why their Sacred Home is a place of thought and harmony between positive and negative forces of good and evil, feminine, and masculine (…). “The earth is their mother, she is a living being. Water is like the blood that runs through the veins of humans and feeds the earth. By creating living beings, their spiritual fathers also dictated the laws that had to govern all men and women of the world regardless of race. These ancestral laws have been passed from generation to generation by the Mamus, guides, and priests. They were left the task of enforcing the law and respect of origin and also taking care of harmony and balance of all creation” (OEA, 2008, p. 27).

In the specific case of the Arhuacos, harmony between the nature and culture is still mediated by their political organization or authority, which is divided into two groups (Navarro, 2002). The first group is the traditional authority: the Mamus (Figure 2). These are spiritual males that specialize in diverse traditional activities (such as rituals, offerings, baptisms, hieroglyph interpretation, medicine, etc.). The second group consists of civil authorities that come from the western society and which influence the ethnic group's dynamics and structures in some way (Bocarejo, 2011, p. 102). Nevertheless, it is clear there that “the material world is supported by the spiritual world” and that “here is where the fundamental practices of confession and punishment promote self-regulation and harmony,” In any case, the Mamus have the biggest and most decisive influence on the community (Navarro, 2002, p. 215). OPEN IN VIEWER

Arhuaca mochilas

In general terms, the mochila – a kind of a handbag (in terms of physical appearance) – is a way to capture the thought and it is a job exclusively for the Arhuaca women. It said that “in the Arhuaca community it is difficult to find an object other than the mochilas which captures their culture so well and harmonizes aesthetic and mathematical thoughts” (Aroca, 2008b, p. 72); the ancestral geometrical ideas are of vital importance and generate a series of processes, in which figures, colors, and shapes come together to convey history, culture, and thought. In the making of mochilas, there are traditional figures that have to be made and certain criteria be met. Aroca (2008a) also points out that there are different types of mochilas that belong to diverse groups of the Sierra Nevada. The Arhuaca community presents the greatest variety of designs for different purposes and uses. For example, “Chegekuano is a mochila intended for men's personal use, and you can find a mochila within another mochila. Yo’buru mäsi is a mochila belonging to the poporo and Ziyu mochila used to store coca leaves” (p. 4).

General objective

Understand the origin, history, and meaning that lie within knitting mochilas, as a daily life activity and process for building the identity of girls and women in the Arhuaca community.

Specific objectives

These are: (1) Describe the origin and history of the mochila and its designs along with the practice of knitting from the Cultural Psychology's perspective; (2) Understand the importance of the activity in everyday life and process of identity construction in the Arhuaca indigenous women; (3) Analyze the contingencies and differences in terms of meanings involved in conducting the activity; and (4) Reflect on the aspect related to preservation of the cultural identity and meanings instilled in the performance of traditional knitting.

Design

This study provides a qualitative design and narrative in nature based on the case study technique (Sandín, 2003).

Participants

The participants are three young women members of the Arhuaca community of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta (Colombia).

Procedure

Initially, a theoretical and methodological approach to the project was made. Three young indigenous Arhuaca women were approached, selected and asked to sign the required consent forms. Then they were asked questions based on general topics that resulted from a theoretical analysis. Finally, a qualitative analysis of the data was performed using Atlas.ti, a software that analyses qualitative data.

This software has been chosen because it is a PC program that offers qualitative orientation and allows analyzing complex phenomena. In addition, when using it, we can make different interpretations of information because the program consolidates large texts and stores different kinds of texts and images to let us visualize often complex relations between them (Muhr, 1991).

Categories of analysis

Figure 3 shows the three main emergent categories (numbered), subcategories, and respective semantic relations between them. OPEN IN VIEWER

Individual story

In the present subcategory, emphasis is placed on the ideographic perspective that gives value to a particular story of each participant (see Table 1); moreover, it allows an identification of the differences among them even though they are all members of the same community. This will help us show aspects that mark them as independent and characteristic of a cultural identity that permeates the individual and consequently, from individual experiences that show differences in terms of meanings, beliefs, and perceptions.

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Table 1.

Relative aspects of narratives that demonstrate individual identities of participants.

Case 1: D.I	Case 2: D.U	Case 3: S.Y
“I am 23 years old and I am an Arhuaca of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta. I am a member of the Yewrwa community; a word that refers to the father of water, one of the most significant places where offerings are made… it is where water is born. I have been in Bogota for four years. I have always liked traditional medicine. My grandfather is a Mamu, so I have always helped the Mamus, and I have always liked the work done by the Mamus.” “Regarding my studies, I started studying medicine, but that was not my calling, so I changed to psychology which I have liked a lot because I can see many resemblances between what the Mamu does and the role of a psychologist. In fact, to me the Mamu is like a psychologist, because of everything he does. I really like it because the scientific portion found in psychology is a complement since we do not have that part.”	“I am 20 years old. My mother and father are indigenous. My mom is atypical because she has been separated twice and that is terrible in an indigenous community. No one would dare to leave two husbands, therefore I say it with pride because I think that means having guts and it is to be admired. Because of this, she has changed the way of my life, and also because she says “studying is the only thing that makes you free.” I lived in the Sierra Nevada until I was 5 years old. Then my mother started working for a health care company, so we moved to Valledupar. There I studied up to fifth grade, but my mother was threatened by the paramilitaries. My dad is from Cauca (indigenous Nasa). Therefore I had to move.”	“I am 18 years old. I was born in the Sierra Nevada in a very traditional part. There I studied until I was 12 years old… what else should I tell you… I love knitting. Where I was born it was a very traditional area, therefore knitting was a daily activity there. In school I studied on Saturdays until noon and in the afternoon I knitted. We do not have weeks of specific traditional knowledge like other communities do. Proper knowledge is applied in school; there is a special time for this, and every day 2 hours are left for knitting. Then when I was about 13 years old, I entered a school and started learning about less traditional things. There I could also knit… there was a time set for knitting.”

In the first case, (D.I.), the description of her own identity is interwoven with her cultural identity. As it can be seen, she describes herself as a member of a specific community and mentions the significance found in the name of her community. More than talking about herself, she exalts the aspects of her identity, being Arhuaca. She finished her description by showing her admiration for the work done by the Mamu and her need to help him in his work through the study of psychology as means to help and support her community in its role of spiritual authority.

In the second case (D.U.), the results varied substantially due to family circumstances. In this case, the mother of the participant had not lived within the community for a while. She had had to travel constantly, and in addition, apparently she had not followed all the cultural principles of the community. Furthermore, there are aspects related to national violence that influenced the family dynamism and development of her cultural identity. Strong desire for professional training is manifested, but not motivated by the need for retribution to her native community like in the other two cases.

In the third case (S.Y.) the participant finds herself on the other side of the spectrum from the former case and closer to the first participant. She manifests having a very traditional upbringing, which is easily noticed when she remarks: “I love knitting.” This is an aspect that is mentioned all along her narrative and it shows the importance of this activity in this young girl's life.

The first mochila

Here it is important to remark how important it is for the participants to learn knitting and the memories they have about the first knitting they have done in their life. In general terms, the differences among the cases can be seen in the ages when they learned how to knit, even though they all coincide in the idea that this activity starts in their early years (Figure 4). In the second case (D.U.), there was a clear influence of her family circumstances, specially related to her mother's work situation in the way that she culturally developed; she began knitting at the age of seven, when most children start between 2 and 4 years earlier. OPEN IN VIEWER

In the first and last case, there was unity in the fact that the grandmother was the one that instilled the initial teaching and also relevant differences were found in each of their stories. D.I. mentioned that while you are being taught to knit, the story of knitting is being woven at the same time, which is an aspect mentioned only by her. On the other hand, S.Y., who started knitting at the age of three and enjoys doing it as daily activity, mentioned that an important aspect in comparison with other two participants was that the first mochila she had knitted was given to the Mamu.

Origin of the mochila

When wondering what the origin of the mochila is, or in other words the origin of knitting the mochila, the only participant that knew the story and its origin was D.I. The following is an account given by her:

It is said that the origin of the mochila was attributed to a woman named Ati Nabobaof a mixed race, meaning Arhuaco and Bonachi (not indigenous). The woman had a reproachable behavior in the community since she liked to have different husbands. Due to this bad behavior, the Mamus took her to a Kankurwa (a house or sacred temple [see Figure 5]) to be cleansed, purified and where she would reflect. It is said that while she was confined, she began to see a spider in a “tiranta” (something similar to a beam) which was knitting its home. This really captured her attention and so she began to imitate what the spider did. It was there where she noticed how she should grab a thread and needle in order to start knitting. She noticed that one should begin by a making a knot and since she was surrounded by cotton, she started to knit until she finished a mochila and made four in total. Each of them were given to her husbands, and this was why she knitted four mochilas with different stiches; this was seen as a compensation for the sins she had committed against these men. Each mochila was given to a male of each community in the Sierra Nevada: the Kogis, Wiwas, Kankuamos and Arhuacos. This is how knitting started in all the communities. Then, the story continues goes on that Ati Naboba would gather the girls and teach them how to knit the mochila and the ones that were successful were rewarded by being sent to get water from a well while the latter turned into a snake and ate them. The ones that did not learn were left unharmed. But it is said that there was a girl who had learned everything Ati Naboba knew, but never showed it in front of Ati Naboba.. This woman was the one who was able to escape from death and disseminate the art of knitting up to this day. But returning to Ati Naboba, it is also said that the first mochilas she had made were white, a color that indicated she had been freed from sin, purified, free from kagum (meaning sin in Arhuaco). Due to this, nowadays the Mamus use white mochilas as a symbol of purity, wisdom and authority. This color also represents snow, snow-capped mountain, since the kankurwa, where she was detained, was located near a mountain. Today we find the lagoon of Ati Naboba, a sacred lagoon where offerings are made in honor of this woman and her mochilas. Also women with bad behavior go there. OPEN IN VIEWER

Designs and their story

As in the previous case, D.I. was the only participant who narrated the story, which is presented in the text below according to its relevance in the Cultural Psychology Framework. Nevertheless, an aspect shared by the participants was the meaning designs have within a cultural context. Each one has significance and is framed within the Arhuaco tradition. Moreover, it is said that the participants had learned knitting by observing role models, such as their mothers and grandmothers. Following is the story about the origin of designs:

After Ati Naboba, another woman appeared called Ati Mundiwa (Ati means mother in Arhuaco). In fact, there is also a lagoon at the snow-capped mountain that bears her name and a ritual is made for designs of the mochila. This was a woman who started the designs and their meanings. She began to knit and create the designs inspired by the nature… she sat next to the lagoon and there she was inspired. The first design she made (the one a girl starts with since it is the easiest to make) was the kunzach, that represents vegetation (it looks like leaves) [see Figure 6]. Then she made the ananuga ingunu that represents different paths of animals (for example, ants, tigers, armadillos and black agouties.). Then she knitted the makuru that represents different ways birds fly. Afterwards, she knitted kunbiru that represents ‘garabato’ or a hook of life (an element that is always hung on corners of houses and which represents protection). She made a urumu representing thought and imagination as well as referring to the creation and origin of the world. According to the Arhuacos,who have created the spiral form. Following that she made a kunsumunu a’ mia that represents the thought and traditional law of women [see Figure 6] and finally, she made a kunsumunu cheyrwa representing the thought and law of men. A tani was another design that represents balance, land and very significant traditional dance used in a very special ceremony and ritual. These are the most important and traditional designs. Then people started making more designs that have not originally been made by Ati Mundiw., These other designs do not have a cultural value but a commercial one. OPEN IN VIEWER

The previous account shows the reasons for origin, existence and history of the designs. It is clear that behind every traditional symbol there is a series of symbols that are passed on by generations and they are part of traditions of the community that builds additional identities at individual levels.

Knitting and its significance

As mentioned by the first participant (D.I.), “knitting the mochila starts at the age of five” or earlier in some cases (As is seen in Figure 8).

“It is part of creating knowledge and strengthening the culture”. This is why the Mamus say that knitting should not be stopped in order that thought and knowledge can continue. It is said that knitting as such represents thinking, emotions and knowledge of the woman. “Here is when what the knitter feels and thinks is expressed in the making of the mochila” (see Figure 7). OPEN IN VIEWER

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Figure 8.

Women and girls from the Arhuaca indigenous community. Photograph by Lina Acuña (2008).

In contrast D.U. says:

I have had various moments with the mochila. Earlier I thought it was a way for women to be submissive, and this initial hypothesis changed after… let's say I started knitting because I saw others knitting and therefore I wanted to do it myself. It was something that was a job done by women like my grandmother and aunts. They all used mochilas, women and men alike, so it made them feel as if the mochila was part of them.

Finally, in the third case, S.Y. highlights that:

when one is knitting, one knits thoughts… A mochila represents something very intimate of oneself as a woman, where you present everything you think from the first stitch until you decide to leave the mochila to do something else. It is something very intimate. Actually the mochila would cost more than the price it is sold for. It has a very important value.

These stories allow us to see not only the individual differences in perception, but especially the transversal aspects representing a cultural backdrop and social meaning transmitted within the indigenous community. This is where D.U. says that “the most valuable thing about the mochila is not the finished product but the cultural context in which it is made.”

The mochila imprints identity, security, usefulness and it also manifests an offering from the spiritual dimension, since it represents Mother Earth that is the origin and end of everything that exists. Due to its symbolic character, it is also said that the mochila is conceived as a way of expanding the uterus of every mother, especially the universal mother. From the perspective of its social character, it is also understood as part of a cultural heritage.

Role of the mamu

As seen in the previous subcategory, there was a consensus in the participants' answers even though they were asked individually. Their testimonies allowed us to determine that it is the Mamu who acts as the “intermediary in order to get permission from the spiritual world so that a girl can start knitting and be able to do it for the rest of her life” (D.I.). There, he performs a special ritual (D.U. and S.Y. mention). The following narrative describes the process:

Look, the first mochila is made from vegetable fiber, a plant that you can find and is collected with a makana, something like a stick that is used as a tool to get fiber. This is where we get the thread for knitting from [see Figure 4]. When a child finishes its first knitting, accompanied by its mother it goes to the Mamu and gives the mochila as an offering together with a makuruma that is a present placed inside the mochila. The makuruma is usually something like coffee, brown sugar, plantain, corn, beans or meat among others. Whatever the participants wants to bring is a manifestation of gratitude since the Mamu is the one who gives the spiritual permission to start knitting. This is done keeping in mind the Mamu's explanation that having this permission is important for enthusiasm to persevere in knitting, continued motivation and not to ever get tired of knitting. In addition to this, the Mamu performs a spiritual cleansing on the participating girl so she would never become lazy in knitting (D.I.).

Current meaning

In this subcategory, the results ranged between two perspectives that do not oppose each other but are merely different. In the first place, the three participants were quite clear when saying that: “knitting is something which identifies us as a community; as a culture. That is why it is important to keep knitting” meaning that “today, knitting mochilas carries a message of thought and teaching and this is why this practice cannot be stopped” (D.I.). Regarding this topic, another participant said: “I'm knitting all the time. I can't think of a life without knitting. It's part of my being. It is like breathing… I really like knitting. Let's say that among my options, knitting comes first” (S.Y.). However, at the same time there was an opposite response that reflected the following perspective:

One doesn't rationalize and one doesn't really know why she knits. It is like brushing your teeth. It is something automatic, like washing yourself every day. That's what it is for a woman here. Even if some woman doesn't knit here, when she goes to another territory and sees all women knitting there, she will miss knitting. (D.U.)

It was like this how on one hand knitting was conceived as an important element of the personal identity building in a cultural context, and at the same time, you can find a lack of understanding of the meaning why you should knit. There is also a tendency to act in an automatic manner and not always in the context of a historical and cultural meaning.

Women, knitting, and economy

This subcategory is divided into three parts. The first one is the conception of women as knitters. The second one has to do with the factors associated with knitting within an indigenous economy. The third part is related to the use of the mochila. Regarding the first one, a participant states:

The woman who does not knit is not well perceived. Nevertheless, I think that there are very few people that do not knit. In my community almost all women I have seen knit. It is like seeing any other women and because they have the support of their mothers who are constantly telling them to knit, they get the material for knitting. (S.Y.)

Women use a unique mochila (made of fique, which is a rustic material, very different from wool). Women keep another mochila in it, which is being worked on and her marunzama (mochila for women) – documents and personal items. Importantly, the man only uses a mochila of fique when he goes to a farm to pick potatoes, cassava, bananas, onions, and other food. This highlights another important difference between men and women. Thus, it is clear that there is a hierarchical difference between the two genders.

Meanwhile, the Bunachis (not Arhuacos) use mochilas as bags regardless of the material or specific functions mentioned above and without cultural significance. They use them to carry their personal items such as makeup, car keys, diaries, and wallets.

However, an important difference was found between the young and older adults. The young use mochilas daily, as for example briefcases to carry their school supplies. But, on the other hand, the adults usually use them at weekends only to go for a walk or to a beach. This is different from how the Arhuaco adults use them. The Bunachis use the mochilas more informally.

Keeping the tradition

To conclude this part, it was important to know what the participants thought about the preservation of their cultural identity and maintaining their tradition in the community today. D.I. reflected and answered that “people knit as something mechanical, without knowing the purpose, meaning or origin. They knit just without full knowledge of the fact that knitting identifies us as a community, as a culture, and knitting without meaning is losing our identity.” Also, as a means of complement, S.Y. says:

The mochila represents our history, our past, present and future. It is a beautiful tradition that cannot be lost. I am going to teach my children how to knit, this is the idea… I think that sooner or later, one has to have a family and that would be the main thing that they learn how to knit and first of all, learn the tradition.