Contemporary Review of the Middle East

Ethnic and religious minorities have played a significant role in the long history of Kurdistan. At an official level, their political position was significantly strengthened with the advent of autonomy for the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq in 1992. Most importantly, a quota system was established that reserved seats for several minority groups in the Kurdistan Parliament, often cited as an example of tolerance for diversity and respect for minority rights. Nevertheless, there is a lack of empirical research examining how ethnic and religious quotas affect democratic stability, quality of representation, and opportunities to represent authentic interests within the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The politicians who occupy the reserved seats have come under criticism for merely supporting the policy programs of the dominant Kurdish parties, which deprives ethnic and religious minority groups of authentic representation and exposes the minority parties to allegations that they are politically exploited. This article analyzes the dynamics of minority political participation in Iraqi Kurdistan, how representation has been affected by the dominance of the ruling parties, and factors that guide the behavior of minority politicians while serving in quota-allocated positions. It also examines the effects of reserving seats through the quota system on the political behavior of minority groups. To these ends, this article focuses on parliamentary quotas and their impact on democratic stability, decision-making, and the empowerment of minority groups in the Kurdistan Region.

Several international and local studies have indicated that Arab students face specific difficulties in adapting to and integrating into Israeli colleges. This research aims to identify and analyze the adaptation difficulties faced by Palestinian students in academic colleges in Israel. The research sample consists of Palestinian freshmen from different schools and neighborhoods in East Jerusalem who are studying at a college in West Jerusalem. In-depth interviews were used to document and analyze the experiences and challenges of these students on campus. The interviews revealed a number of factors that impede students’ adaptation and their academic success, and they can be grouped under the concepts of culture shock, language barriers, isolation, and transportation. To deal with these difficulties, students used different strategies such as piety, withdrawal, dependency, and distancing. Implementing specific programs to consider and address specific social and cultural aspects of Palestinian students’ difficulties may contribute to reducing the alienation and culture shock they face in college, such as introducing programs on life skills and treatment of others, hiring faculty who are capable of understanding the Palestinian cultural context and introducing qualified Arab staff in the administrative and service departments.

Media researchers have often examined how film and television can have an impact on audiences. Media have various effects on audience members. When it comes to representing ‘the other’, the media often rely on stereotypes. Research has shown that ethnic Arabs are under-represented in US film and television, and their depictions are distorted with stereotypical portrayals. The current study joins the discussion on ‘media representation’ (in this case, informed by the construct of Occidentalism) by conducting a qualitative, thematic, content analysis (informed by narrative analysis, both socio-linguistic and socio-cultural) of the Jordanian television show My American Neighbor. Stereotypes can be both positive and negative, and they are often used by media storytellers regardless of their background or location in the World.

Relying on a survey conducted in 2014 in 12 provinces in eastern Turkey, this article analyses the extent to which (a) ethnicity and religiosity shape Kurds’ electoral choices and (b) the Kurds in the East support the demand for education in Kurdish and the demand for self-rule for Kurds. The findings demonstrate that ethnicity is an important factor in shaping Kurds’ electoral choices and that the demands for education in Kurdish language and self-rule are backed not only by the vast majority of those Kurds who support the pro-Kurdish party but also by a significant number of those Kurds who support the AK Party.

The leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan or PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, has played a crucial role in shaping the road map of the PKK since the founding of the organization in 1978. His ideas have substantially influenced the structure of the PKK. This article analyzes whether Abdullah Öcalan’s perspective on violence changed over the period between the founding of the PKK and the present. Using an interpretive–textual method, the study examines Öcalan’s approach to the question of violence before and after his imprisonment on the island of İmralı in 1999. The study attempts to make sense of how his perspective on violence was constructed and developed during these two periods. To achieve this goal, the study demonstrates the differences and similarities in Öcalan’s approach to the concept of violence during these two periods. Accordingly, it is argued that Öcalan’s perspective on violence is marked by continuity rather than a rupture.

The Turkish foreign policy (TFP) after the Cold War had been based on traditional institutionalized values. In 2009, the governing party consolidated its power and additionally, the international environment provided more space for decision-makers. As a result, the government seeks to change foreign policy preferences in accordance with its agenda. This article examines this change from a neoclassical realist perspective and argues that due to lack of systemic pressure, Turkey can seek new alignments in the Middle East, rather than overlapping its interests with the West.

In July 2018, the Kuwaiti Emir made a state visit of great significance to China, as both countries agreed to establish a strategic partnership creating new opportunities for Kuwait, which aspires to diversify its economy and seek investment opportunities. This study investigates various aspects behind the establishment of this partnership and examines the synergy between the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Kuwait Vision 2035 (KV2035) to understand the extent of economic engagement and relationship between the two nations. However, despite the considerable increase in Chinese trade and investments in Kuwait, some significant internal obstacles and external challenges remain to the successful integration of KV2035 with the BRI.