Social Science Information

In this article devoted to the democratic transition in Tunisia, we will provide an opportunity to reflect once again on the process and dynamics entailed in learning about citizenship in a context of transition. We want to stress the different experiences and various moments or events that contributed to bringing about this ‘citizenship’ (mouwâtana).

Following years of disinterest or hostility, many sending states are now trying to create or strengthen linkages with citizens residing abroad. To this end, states are adopting new policies and creating new institutions dedicated to emigrants. In the past three decades, a majority of states worldwide has adopted external voting legislation that enables citizens abroad to vote (and in certain cases be represented) in the home country without having to return. In this article, I question the emergence of such policies and discuss their impact on immigrant political participation in their country of residence.

The article attempts to show that the 2011 social movement in Tunisia was part of a process that began a few years earlier. At that time the essentially socio-economic protest movement was confined to the mining town of Gafsa. The multiplication of such movements, although sporadic, would continue to fuel the mobilization until 2011 and was characterized by the emergence of a wave of protests that were essentially socio-economic in the early days, though it was not long before they presented a challenge to the political order, in particular as they spread to the rest of the country.

The weakening of local power structures in Tunisia, whether linked to the authoritarian centralization of the country or to the erosion of the mechanisms for coopting local elites, strongly contributed to upset the political equilibrium of fallen President Ben Ali’s regime. The weakened position created conditions favorable to an ongoing negotiation over power-sharing among social groups and their access to resources. The adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 attests to this redefinition of power relations between local elites and the central State inasmuch as it established, for the first time in modern Tunisian history, the principle of an elected, decentralized ‘local power’ with financial and administrative autonomy. The aim of this article is to answer the question of whether the adoption of a new Constitution, brought in on the basis of a historical compromise between the representatives of the country’s different political tendencies, would enable an orderly changeover from authoritarian government to long-term power-sharing arrangements.

The object of the present study is to analyze how, over the transition period of 2011–14, Islam became a ‘public problem’, to understand how it came to pervade the public space. I will investigate the place of religion in the public space both before and after the 2011 elections, and to do so will start with a few ‘affairs’ and controversies surrounding Islam and its place in the new Constitution as well as in the broader framework of Tunisian society.

The present study concerned the views regarding the acceptability of possible national policies related to slavery by people whose families were directly affected in the past. It was conducted in the island of Martinique (an overseas French department), and 298 descendants of slaves participated. Three qualitatively different personal positions were found; these positions were designated Skeptics (28% of the sample), Reparationists (35%) and Undetermined (37%). For people holding a Skeptic position, nothing meaningful can be done to repair the horrors of slavery. However a national policy that includes public acknowledgment of past wrongs can be considered as tolerable provided it is accompanied by material compensations. For people holding a Reparationist position, any national policy that involves public acknowledgment of past wrongs is considered as acceptable, whether or not it is accompanied by material compensation. Policies of amnesia and/or exaltation of the past or policies that involve only material compensations are viewed as not acceptable. In addition reparation policies are considered as more acceptable in cases where socio-economic integration of slave descendants has been achieved than in cases where it has not. For people holding an Undetermined position, slavery and the slave trade are part of the deep past; as a result, it is difficult to have strong views about it or about related policies. These three personal positions were related to educational level and religious involvement in a meaningful way. In particular, undetermined people were less educated and more religious than others.

Fifty years after the end of the Algerian war of independence, French colonization in Algeria (1830–1962) is still a very controversial topic when sporadically brought to the forefront of the public sphere. One way to better understand current intergroup relationships between French of French origin and French with Algerian origins is to investigate how the past influences the present. This study explores French students’ emotional reactions to this historical period, their ideological underpinnings and their relationship with the willingness to compensate for past misdeeds, and with prejudice. Results show that French students with French ascendants endorse a no-remorse norm when thinking about past colonization of Algeria and express very low levels of collective guilt and moral-outrage related emotions, especially those students with a right-wing political orientation and a national identification in the form of glorification of the country. These group-based emotions are significantly related to pro-social behavioral intentions (i.e. the willingness to compensate) and to prejudice toward the outgroup.

The rapid expansion of global trends and the internationalization of higher education are increasingly requiring the consideration of the geospatial factor for better-informed inquiries on the related societal challenges. The article’s findings point to the need to overcome education researchers’ general lack of interest in the geospatial dimension because it offers great opportunities for social scientists in a wide range of disciplines to take advantage of geo-enabled research capabilities to spatially analyze socio-educational issues and thus to benefit from the availability of an emerging perspective for enriching the current methodological practices in the social sciences in general.

Ex ante evaluations have received little attention in the literature, resulting in a scattered set of contributions, despite their potential impact on society at large and on the academic careers of the members of research teams proposing interdisciplinary projects. Firstly, a review of the existing literature on the evaluation of interdisciplinary research proposals is presented. Then, two alternatives to the traditional peer-review process are described in the context of interdisciplinary research. The conclusions are of potential use both to academics involved in interdisciplinary research projects and to those responsible for funding such projects.

The author explains ideological change using a theory justifying an individual’s grounds for action. If an individual prefers ideology A to ideology B, it is because the costs of justifying A are less than the costs of justifying B. On this basis, the dynamic behind ideologies is explained partly by their justification context and partly by rises in justification costs. The context for their rationale plays a not insignificant role, as it qualifies the type of event capable of generating a change. An event generates a change because it makes an ideology problematic and places the individual in a situation of cognitive dissonance. This event is an experiment in an empiricist justification context, a logical factor in a rationalist context and an interpretative inconsistency in a religious context. The event that generates change is qualified thus; it might be argued that an event makes an ideology problematic when it increases its justification costs. Logically, its rationale costs should increase with the quality of alternative ideologies, the position of scientific or religious authorities – depending on the rationale context – the number of people who decide to revise their ideology or to abandon it, and the entire body of knowledge deemed to be non-problematic by individuals.