Child labor in Turkey (2003–2024): An overview of work-related risks

Abstract

Background

Child labor remains a significant issue globally and in Turkey, while the occupational risk faced by child laborers has been ignored.

Objective

This study aims to provide a comprehensive examination of occupational accidents, occupational diseases, permanent incapacity, and fatal accidents among child laborers in Turkey, focusing on the effects of national occupational health and safety law and age-specific differences in accident incidence.

Methods

A retrospective observational analysis was conducted using official Social Security Institution datasets. Incidence rates of occupational accidents (IR_OA), occupational diseases (IR_OD), permanent incapacity (IR_PI), and fatal accidents (IR_FA) were calculated. The before law (2003-2012) and after law (2013–2024) outcomes were compared using the Mann–Whitney U test. The age differences analysis was examined using the Kruskal–Wallis test, and segmented regression analysis was used to assess trends after the law.

Results

Significant differences were observed in IR_OA (p = 0.003) and IR_FA (p = 0.004) between the periods before and after the law. Segmented regression further indicated that the legislation was associated with a significant after the law trend in IR_OA (p = 0.002). Occupational accidents also differed by age (p = 0.001), with the highest risk among 17-year-old child laborers and a progressive increase across age groups.

Conclusions

The findings show that legislative reforms have altered the distribution of occupational accidents among child laborers. Yet, the continuing rise in accident rates indicates that regulations alone are insufficient. Enhancing child labor safety requires coordinated social policies and age-sensitive preventive measures.

Keywords

occupational health occupational safety social policy child labor occupational accidents occupational diseases children

Introduction

Child labor refers to work performed by children under conditions that are harmful, exploitative, or in violation of international labor standards, and it is widely regarded as a fundamental human rights violation.^1,2 It includes activities that prevent children from attending school, cause early school dropout, or force them to combine schooling with excessive working hours.³ Such conditions have effects on children's physical, mental, social, and moral development.^4,5 Despite international regulations, illegal and forced child labor continues to exist, especially in settings marked by poverty, limited access to education, and social inequality.⁶

International legal frameworks define childhood and regulate minimum working ages to protect children from hazardous employment. According to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by Turkey, all individuals under the age of 18 are considered children.⁷ The Minimum Age Convention establishes a connection between compulsory education and the minimum employment age, setting 18 as the minimum age for hazardous work.⁸ The International Labour Organization (ILO) defines individuals aged 15–24 as “young workers” and distinguishes children under 15 who work to support themselves or their families as “child laborers.” In line with these definitions, Turkish Labor Law No. 4857 classifies individuals under 15 as child workers and those aged 15–17 as young workers.⁷ The Regulation on Procedures and Principles of Employment of Children and Young Workers in Turkey aims to protect children and young workers from hazardous conditions while safeguarding their health, development, and education. In this regulation, the definition of dangerous work varies by age; young workers (15–18 years) are allowed to engage in relatively more hazardous jobs compared with younger children.⁹

Based on the 2021 joint publication of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), child labor affects approximately 160 million children worldwide, including 63 million girls and 97 million boys, representing nearly one in every ten children globally.⁶ Over the past four years, the number of children engaged in child labor has increased by 8.4 million. Notably, the number of child laborers aged 5–11 has risen substantially and now accounts for more than half of the total global child labor population. Regionally, Africa has both the highest proportion and the number of child laborers, affecting one in five children and totaling approximately 92 million. Asia and the Pacific follow with an estimated 49 million child laborers. In comparison, the Americas and Europe & Central Asia each account for approximately 8.3 million child laborers, while the Arab States report around 2.4 million children engaged in labor.

Children work across a wide range of industries worldwide, including fishing, agriculture, mining, construction, manufacturing, small-scale enterprises, and the informal sector, for both domestic and export-oriented activities. In addition to paid work, many children are involved in unpaid household tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and childcare. Through these activities, children are exposed to multiple occupational hazards and face both acute and chronic safety and health risks in both indoor and outdoor environments.³ According to a United Nations (UN) report,¹⁰ in 2020, 152 million children were engaged in child labor globally, of whom 73 million were working in hazardous occupations. The International Labour Organization has emphasized the urgency of addressing child labor because of its substantial health and safety implications. Estimates indicate that approximately 106.4 million children aged 5–17 experience work-related injuries each year worldwide; of these, 15.1 million sustain injuries severe enough to require medical attention and result in at least one day of absence from work or school.¹¹ Every nine minutes, a young worker is injured on the job.¹²

In Turkey, the Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK) estimates that approximately 720,000 children aged 5–17 are engaged in economic activity out of a total child population of 16.46 million.¹³ Of these working children, 30.8% work in agriculture, 23.7% in industry, and 45.5% in the services sector. In rural areas, unpaid family labor, particularly in agriculture, remains, contributing to seasonal and informal child labor.¹⁴ Agriculture has been identified as one of the most hazardous sectors for child laborers, accounting for a substantial proportion of occupational risks faced by working children.^15,16 Multiple hazard exposure, long working hours, and limited access to education further increase vulnerability among children in this sector.¹⁴

Migration and refugee child labor have become an increasing concern in Turkey, as poverty resulting from displacement, unemployment, and insufficient social protection increases households’ reliance on children's economic contributions.¹⁷ Under these conditions, children often engage in heavy and hazardous work in sectors such as services, seasonal migratory agriculture, small-scale industry, and street vending. Research indicates that nearly 19% of boys aged 12–14 and almost 48% of boys aged 15–17 participate in paid work, exceeding levels observed before displacement. Poverty, household composition, and older age at arrival increase the likelihood of child labor. Difficulties in school integration also contribute to pushing many refugee children into out-of-school employment.¹⁸

Despite the concentration of child laborers in high-risk occupations,¹⁹ research focusing on occupational accidents, diseases, permanent disabilities, and fatalities among child laborers in Turkey remains limited. Therefore, this study aims to analyze temporal trends in occupational accidents, occupational diseases, permanent incapacity, and fatal accidents among child laborers in Turkey. Additionally, the study aims to assess the potential impact of the Occupational Health and Safety Law No. 6331,²⁰ enacted in 2013, on health and safety outcomes of child laborers. The analysis also explores age-specific variations in the distribution of occupational accidents among child laborers after the law came into effect. In this study, workers under 18 are referred to as child laborers without distinguishing between child and young workers. Through this approach, the study aims to clarify how occupational risks among child laborers have evolved and how regulatory interventions have influenced health and safety outcomes.

Methods

This study provides a retrospective observational analysis of official data to examine trends in employment, occupational accidents, diseases, permanent incapacity, and fatal accidents among child laborers in Turkey between 2003 and 2024. The data were obtained from the Social Security Institution of the Republic of Turkey (SGK), namely the “Occupational Accidents and Occupational Diseases Statistics” and “Insured and Workplace Statistics” yearbooks^.²¹ The corresponding national data was to enable comparison in Turkey. The data are publicly available on the official SGK website for each year.

In the study, the first step was to illustrate the proportion of child labor within the data in comparison with the overall figures for Turkey. The dataset was calculated separately for the Incident Rate of Occupational Accidents (IR_OA), Incident Rate of Occupational Disease (IR_OD), Incidence Rates of Permanent Incapacity (IR_PI), and Incidence Rates of Fatal Accidents (IR_FA) for both child laborers and the overall workforce in Turkey. The years were divided into two periods: 2003–2012 as “before the law” and 2013–2024 as “after the law” to assess the effects of Occupational Health and Safety Law No. 6331.²⁰ The collected quantitative data were analysed using Microsoft Excel 365 and Jamovi 2.6.44. Descriptive statistics, including the median, 5th and 95th percentiles, standard deviations, and percentages, were calculated, and p-values were reported for significance testing. The results are in graphs and tables. Every rate is the number of person-years of child labor in Turkey.

The incidence rate was calculated as the number of occupational accidents or diseases per 100,000 employees. Any sub-population breakdown can be calculated based on one or more variables that characterize the accident victim²²: Incidence rate (IR) uses the following formula for accidents and diseases;

I R O A = \frac{N u m b e r o f a c c i d e n t s}{N u m b e r o f e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s i n t h e c o v e r e d p o p u l a t i o n} x 100000

I R O D = \frac{N u m b e r o f d i s e a s e}{N u m b e r o f e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s i n t h e c o v e r e d p o p u l a t i o n} x 100000

According to Turkish law, permanent incapacity is defined as when an insured person loses at least 10% of or all of their earning capacity as a result of an occupational accident or disease. A fatal accident is defined as an accident that causes the death of a victim within one year of the event that occurred^.²² In this study, the incidence of fatal accidents and the incidence rate of permanent incapacity were calculated using the same formula (IR).

I R F A = \frac{N u m b e r o f f a t a l a c c i d e n t s}{N u m b e r o f e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s i n t h e c o v e r e d p o p u l a t i o n} X 100000

I R P I = \frac{N u m b e r o f p e r m a n e n t i n c a p a c i t y}{N u m b e r o f e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s i n t h e c o v e r e d p o p u l a t i o n} X 100000

The non-parametric Mann–Whitney U test was applied to determine whether the changes between the two periods were statistically significant among child laborers. Incidence rates of occupational accidents (IR_OA), occupational diseases (IR_OD), permanent incapacity (IR_PI), and fatal accidents (IR_FA) were compared, with statistical significance set at p < 0.05. Mann-Whitney U test uses the following formula²³:

U x = n_{x} n_{y} + \frac{n_{x} (n_{x} + 1)}{2} - R_{1} or U y = n_{x} n_{y} + \frac{n_{y} (n_{y} + 1)}{2} - R_{2}

To model temporal changes in incidence rates, we applied segmented linear regression with time, legislation period (before and after 2013), and a Year × Legislation interaction to evaluate changes in trends (slopes) after the law took effect.

The Kruskal–Wallis H test was used to compare the number of occupational accidents among child laborers across age groups (p < 0.05). The Kruskal–Wallis H test is a preferred non-parametric method for comparing more than two independent samples when the normality assumption is violated. The Kruskal–Wallis statistic was calculated using the following formula²⁴:

H = \frac{12}{N + (N + 1)} \sum_{\dot{I} = 1}^{k} \frac{R_{i}^{2}}{n_{i}} - 3 (N + 1)

To determine which specific age groups differed significantly from one another following a significant Kruskal–Wallis result, the Dwass–Steel–Critchlow–Fligner (DSCF) post-hoc test was applied. This test is designed for non-parametric multiple comparisons and provides robust control of the family-wise error rate.

Results

Annual trends in employment and occupational accidents among child laborers aged 14–17 in Turkey from 2003 to 2024 are presented in Figure 1. During the 22 years, the number of employed child laborers ranged from a low of 27,162 in 2007 to a peak of 140,458 in 2016, with an annual average of 76,920,36. Employment declined between 2017 and 2020, after which an upward trend was observed. Occupational accidents among child laborers increased from 2012 to 2018, decreased in 2020, and showed a rapid upward trend from 2020 until 2024 (Figure 1 and Table 1). The highest number of occupational accidents was recorded in 2024, reaching 18,100 cases. Between 2003 and 2024, a total of 103.778 occupational accidents were reported among child laborers, corresponding to an annual average of 4.717,18 cases. In the same period, 57 occupational diseases were reported (3 per year), 194 cases resulted in permanent incapacity (9 per year), and 192 cases resulted in fatal accidents (9 per year). Over the past five years, both employment and occupational accidents have increased in Turkey generally, and a similar upward trend has been observed among child laborers (Table 1).

Figure 1.

The number of employment and occupational accidents in the child labor (under 14-14-15-16-17 years) in Turkey from 2003 to 2024.²⁴

Table 1.

Employment and some OHS parameters of Turkey in general and Turkish child labor from 2003 to 2024.²⁴

	Employment		Occupational accidents		Occupational disease		Permanent incapacity (Accident)		Fatal accidents
Year	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor
2003	5.615.238	63.988	76.668	223	440	0	1.451	5	810	1
2004	6.181.251	47.495	83.830	1.009	384	2	1.421	8	841	3
2005	6.918.605	50.362	73.923	1.232	519	2	1.374	4	1.072	4
2006	7.818.642	62.182	79.027	2.789	574	1	1.953	8	1.592	3
2007	8.505.390	27.162	80.602	3.906	1.208	6	1.550	7	1.043	4
2008	15.041.268	71.999	72.963	4.045	539	2	1.694	10	866	4
2009	15.096.728	56.539	64.316	342	429	0	1.885	3	1.171	1
2010	16.196.304	65.864	62.903	234	533	2	2.085	27	1.454	17
2011	17.374.631	104.921	69.227	349	697	11	2.216	5	1.710	7
2012	18.352.859	111.410	74.871	508	395	11	2.209	10	745	3
2013	18.886.989	113.569	191.389	2.844	351	1	1.694	13	1.360	19
2014	19.821.822	122.908	221.366	3.394	494	0	1.509	1	1.626	15
2015	20.773.227	117.556	241.547	4.058	510	1	3.596	10	1.252	12
2016	21.131.838	140.458	286.068	6.164	597	2	4.642	8	1.405	12
2017	22.280.463	66.568	359.866	6.348	693	0	4.226	11	1.636	14
2018	22.072.840	71.064	431.276	7.094	1.047	1	4.067	9	1.542	14
2019	22.000.964	50.597	422.837	6.365	1.091	1	4.664	16	1.149	5
2020	23.344.547	48.738	384.605	2.922	909	1	3.347	9	1.245	6
2021	24.745.149	52.091	511.639	5.694	1.209	2	3.271	6	1.429	5
2022	26.344.234	70.246	589.271	11.038	955	3	4.246	7	1.528	12
2023	25.358.022	76.778	681.655	15.120	946	5	3.504	8	1.972	20
2024	25.625.750	99.753	733.956	18.100	888	3	3.781	9	1.905	11

(The Occupational Health and Safety Law was implemented in 2013).

The incident rate of occupational accidents (IR_OA) per 100,000 employed children varied considerably, from 348,50 in 2003 to 19.693,14 in 2023. As illustrated in the study, during the periods 2004–2009 and 2012–2024, the IR_OA for child labor in Turkey was higher than that for the general population in Turkey. Similarly, the IR_OD were higher for child labor in 2007, 2011, 2012, 2022, and 2023, and the IR_PI were higher in 2007, 2008, 2010, 2013, 2019, and 2020. Moreover, the IR_FA in child labor in 2007, 2010, and 2013–2024 was greater than in general in Turkey (Table 2 ). The highest incident rates of fatal accidents among child laborers were observed in 2010 (25,81) and 2023 (26,04), both of which were markedly higher than the overall national rates (Table 2).

Table 2.

Incidence rates of Turkey in General and Turkish Child Labor from 2003 to 2024.²⁴

			Yearly incidence per 100,000
	IR_OA		IR_OD		IR_PI		IR_FA
Year	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor	Turkey in General	Child Labor
2003	1.365,35	348,50	7,83	0	25,84	7,81	14,42	1,56
2004	1.356,19	2.124,43	6,21	4,21	22,98	16,84	13,60	6,31
2005	1.068,46	2.446,28	7,50	3,97	19,85	7,94	15,49	7,94
2006	1.010,75	4.485,22	7,34	1,60	24,97	12,86	20,36	4,82
2007	947,65	14.380,38	14,20	22,08	18,22	25,77	12,26	14,72
2008	485,08	5.618,13	3,58	2,77	11,26	13,88	5,76	5,55
2009	425,88	604,89	2,84	0	12,48	5,30	7,76	1,76
2010	388,57	355,27	3,29	3,03	12,87	40,99	8,98	25,81
2011	398,37	332,63	4,01	10,48	12,76	4,76	9,84	6,67
2012	408.14	455,97	2,15	9,87	12,04	8,97	4,06	2,69
2013	1.013,03	2.504,20	1,85	0,88	8,97	11,44	7,20	16,72
2014	1.116,87	2.761,41	2,49	0	7,61	0,81	8,20	12,20
2015	1.163,13	3.451,97	2,45	0,85	17,31	8,50	6,03	10,20
2016	1.353,39	4.388,50	2,82	1,42	21,96	5,69	6,65	8,54
2017	1.615,02	9.536,11	3,11	0	18,96	16,52	7,34	21,03
2018	1.954,32	9.982,55	4,74	1,40	18,42	12,66	6,99	19,70
2019	1.921,07	12.579,79	4,95	1,97	21,20	31,62	5,22	9,88
2020	1.647,10	5.995,32	3,89	2,05	14,33	18,46	5,33	12,31
2021	2.068,44	10.930,87	4,88	3,83	13,21	11,51	5,77	9,59
2022	2.237,44	15.713,35	3,62	4,27	16,12	9,96	5,80	17,08
2023	2.688,38	19.693,14	3,73	6,51	13,82	10,41	7,78	26,04
2024	2.864,13	18.144,81	3,46	3,00	14,75	9,02	7,43	11,02

(The Occupational Health and Safety Law was implemented in 2013).

IR_OA: Incidence Rates of Occupational Accidents.

IR_OD: Incidence Rates of Occupational Disease.

IR_PI: Incidence Rates of Permanent Incapacity.

IR_FA: Incidence Rates of Fatal Accidents.

Table 3.

Analyzing employment, occupational accidents, occupational diseases, permanent incapacity, and fatal accidents in child labor before and after the implementation of occupational health and safety law in Turkey (analyzed using the mann-whitney U test p < 0.05).²⁴

	Before the law (2003-2012)			After the law (2013–2024)			Statistical results
	median	5th percentile	95th percentile	median	5th percentile	95th percentile	P value
Employment	63085	36312	108490	73921	49760	130805	0.107
IR_OA	1365	340	10437	9759	2646	18842	0.003
IR_OD	3.50	0.00	16.86	1.69	0.00	5.28	0.175
IR_PI	10.9	5.00	34.1	10.9	3.49	24.4	1.000
IR_FA	5.93	1.65	20.8	12.30	9.12	23.3	0.004

IR_OA: Incidence Rates of Occupational Accidents

IR_OD: Incidence Rates of Occupational Disease

IR_PI: Incidence Rates of Permanent Incapacity

IR_FA: Incidence Rates of Fatal Accidents

The Occupational Safety and Health Law, enacted in 2012 and implemented in 2013, substantially reshaped workplace health and safety regulations in Turkey. To examine temporal changes in child labor, the analysis compared two distinct periods, 2003–2012 and 2013–2024, using five primary indicators: employment, IR_OA, IR_OD, IR_PI, and IR_FA. The average number of child labor employment increased after 2013. Before the law, the average annual number of employed child laborers over the ten years was 66.192, while in the decade after the law, this number increased to an average of 85,860 per year. Before the law (2012), the average incidence rates were IR_OA 455.97, IR_OD 9.87, IR_PI 8.97, and IR_FA 2.69. In 2013, after the law took effect, the incidence rates were as follows: IR_OA = 2504.20; IR_OD = 0.88; IR_PI = 11.44; IR_FA = 16.72.

The Mann–Whitney U test results reveal statistically significant differences for the IR_OA and IR_FA between the two periods (p = 0.003 and p = 0.004, respectively) (Table 3). To provide a more granular understanding of these shifts, segmented linear regression was used. For IR_OA, the interaction term (Year×Legislation) revealed a statistically significant trend reversal (p = 0.002), visualized as an ‘X pattern’ in Figure 2. The 2013 law fundamentally altered the trajectory of general accidents. Conversely, despite the increase in absolute numbers, the segmented regression for IR_FA was not significant (p = 0.805). The trends before and after legislation appeared parallel (Figure 2). This finding indicates that while the legislative reform significantly improved the visibility and registration of occupational accidents (IR_OA), it did not produce a statistically significant structural change in the trajectory of fatal accident rates (IR_FA) after its implementation (Table 4). Conversely, no significant differences were observed in employment, IR_OD, or IR_PI, as the p-values (0.107, 0.175, and 1.000, respectively) exceeded the 0.05 significance threshold. Thus, the legislative reform did not result in significant changes in these parameters after its implementation.

Figure 2.

Interrupted time-series trends of IR_OA and IR_FA before and after the implementation of law no. 6331.

Table 4.

Segmented linear regression results for incidence rates before and after the 2013 legislation.

	Predictor	Estimate	SE	t	p
IR_OA	Intercept*	519391	798221	0.651	0.523
	Year	−257	398	−0.647	0.526
	Legislation (post-2013)	−3.58e + 6	1.00e + 6	−3.564	0.002
	Year×Legislation	1778	499	3.561	0.002
IR_FA	Intercept*	−1010.445	1468.947	−0.688	0.500
	Year	465.367	1848.343	0.252	0.804
	Legislation (post-2013)	0.507	0.732	0.693	0.497
	Year×Legislation	−0.230	0.919	−0.250	0.805

*Represents reference level.

The results on occupational accidents among Turkish child laborers by age reveal notable trends and significant findings for the period 2013–2024. Until 2015, SGK data did not include child workers under the age of fifteen (Figure 3). From 2013 onwards, after the law, occupational accidents across all age groups show an overall increasing trend, peaking in 2024 (Figures 3 and 4). Analysis indicates that 17-year-olds experienced the highest number of occupational accidents (n = 46,233), nearly double that of 16-year-olds (n = 25,210), four times that of 15-year-olds (n = 12,174), and more than eight times that of those aged 14 and under (n = 5524). The Kruskal–Wallis test indicated a statistically significant difference in the number of child laborers involved in occupational accidents across age groups after the law was enacted (2013–2024; χ²(3) = 25.9, p = .001). Rather than a uniform distribution, the DSCF post-hoc analysis reveals a risk that intensifies as child laborers approach adulthood. The most critical finding is that 17-year-olds face a significantly higher risk than all other groups, with the disparity being most pronounced when compared to those aged 14 and under (p < .001). Furthermore, the significant difference between 16 and 17-year-olds (p = 0.046) suggests that even within the oldest cohorts, the final year before legal adulthood carries a unique and heightened risk profile. In contrast, the lack of a significant difference between the 14 and 15-year-old groups (p = 0.252) indicates a relatively stable, though still concerning, accident rate in the earliest stages of child labor (Table 5).

Figure 3.

Distribution of the number of occupational accident by age in child labor From 2013 to 2024 (after the law).²⁴

Figure 4.

Distribution of the number of work accident by age in child labor From 2013 to 2024 (after the law).²⁴

Table 5.

Post-hoc pairwise comparisons of occupational accidents by age groups (2013–2024).

Age comparison		W	p
14 and under 14	15	2.61	0.252
14 and under 14	16	4.20	0.016*
14 and under 14	17	5.50	<.001*
15	16	3.59	0.054
15	17	4.98	0.002*
16	17	3.67	0.046*

* Results are significant at the p < 0.05 level.

Discussion

The findings of this study reveal a gradual rise in child labor employment up to 2016, followed by an almost 50% decline in 2020, and a sharp resurgence thereafter. Overall, the number of child laborers in Turkey was higher during 2013–2024 than in the 2003–2012 period, suggesting that—despite intermittent declines—policy efforts have not produced sustained success in reducing child labor. Child labor persists for multiple reasons. It is shaped by structural conditions and different motivations, including its role as a survival strategy in contexts of poverty, a perceived rational economic choice by households, and cultural or family-based expectations.²⁵ However, the accuracy of official statistics remains uncertain, as existing indicators likely underestimate the scope of child employment. This uncertainty is closely linked to the size of the informal sector, which is considered one of the main factors contributing to underreporting.²⁶ The persistence of child labor within the informal economy is reinforced by a protective silence rooted in both economic necessity and legal vulnerability. This dynamic is especially evident in sectors subject to intensive oversight: as regulatory inspections increase, child labor does not disappear; instead, it shifts further into informal and less visible domains. Within this context, informality operates as a protective “shield” through which households attempt to safeguard fragile income sources from potential external sanctions or institutional penalties.²⁷ Moreover, migration and refugee child laborers often reside in areas characterized by high levels of informality and child poverty, among the highest in OECD countries, which further reinforces the structural vulnerabilities that intensify child labor risks.²⁸

This study demonstrates that the enactment of the Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) legislation in Turkey did not merely produce a marginal difference in workplace accident statistics but catalyzed a statistically significant trend shift (p = 0.002). The upward trend observed until 2018 serves as an original analytical finding, suggesting that the legislation either effectively strengthened reporting mechanisms or that the impact of preventive measures followed a lagged implementation trajectory over time. This trajectory underscores a systemic transition. The legal framework enhanced the visibility of incidents previously hidden within the informal sector.²⁹ Occupational Health and Safety Law No. 6331 mandates that employers document all workplace accidents, conduct thorough investigations, and prepare detailed reports. The law mandates that both occupational accidents and diseases be reported to the Social Security Institution within three business days of their occurrence or diagnosis, respectively.²⁰

From 2018 to 2019, a decline in child labor accidents occurred, which may be associated with the International Labour Organization designating 2018 as the “Year for the Elimination of Child Labour” in Turkey.⁸ At the same time, increased awareness of occupational safety issues among child laborers in Turkey likely contributed to these observed changes. Global economic disruptions during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic curtailed child labor and minimized occupational accidents. However, by 2022, as employment resumed, accident figures increased again. These findings align with those of White and Donell,³⁰ who reported a high incidence of occupational accidents among children aged 10–16. Despite legal prohibitions in the United Kingdom against child labor in hazardous environments, similar practices persist, highlighting ongoing global challenges. International evidence also indicates occupational risks among young workers. For example, in Brazil, from 2011 to 2020, children and adolescents aged 5–17 experienced nearly 2500 occupational accidents annually, with an average of 47 deaths per year.³¹ In comparison on the same date, Turkey recorded an average of 4004 occupational accidents per year, with 11 fatalities annually, indicating a higher accident incidence but lower fatality rate.

While stricter legal mandates and heightened awareness since 2013 have likely improved reporting practices, the number of recorded occupational diseases among child laborers is notably low, with only 20 cases reported between 2013 and 2024. This apparent decline does not necessarily indicate a genuine reduction in occupational diseases but rather reflects diagnostic limitations. Global research shows that child workers (ages 14–17) face elevated risks of workplace hazards, which economic pressures and insufficient enforcement of labor laws intensify. Regardless of the sector or type of employment, children encounter common workplace risks, and their working conditions and tasks are often unsuitable for their age, posing serious threats to both their physical and mental health.³² These observations are consistent with cross-sectional studies showing that child labor is associated with a range of adverse health outcomes, including impaired growth, malnutrition, increased susceptibility to infectious and system-specific diseases, behavioral and emotional disorders, and reduced coping ability. Studies with comparison groups reported a higher prevalence of physical illnesses among working children,³³ and research in Bangladesh found a statistically significant positive association between child labor and the likelihood of experiencing injuries or diseases, such as fatigue, physical injuries, and other health problems.³⁴

Child labour is a global health issue and is associated with various adverse health outcomes. Engagement in hazardous work threatens the health, safety, and development of children, potentially leading to death, disability, or long-term physical and psychological harm.³⁵ Social and Economic Risks: Child labour generates profound social and economic risks. Socially, children are exposed to verbal abuse, humiliation, and mistreatment while being deprived of education and recreational activities, which restricts their intellectual, emotional, and social development. Economically, early involvement in work contributes to malnutrition, unhealthy coping behaviours such as smoking or substance use, and reinforces poverty and social exclusion.³⁶ Legal and Ethical Risks: Although child labour contributes to economic activity and employment, it generates significant legal and ethical risks. Weak law enforcement, poverty, limited access to education, and restricted livelihood opportunities undermine the protection of children's rights and increase their vulnerability to exploitation. The presence of legal frameworks alone is insufficient when violations persist in practice or are overlooked in formal documents. From an ethical perspective, the employment of children disregards their right to education, well-being, and development in favour of economic gain.³⁷ Long-Term Risks: Children involved in child labour are more likely to witness worse health issues later in life. The impact of hazardous work causes profound and long-lasting health problems that become apparent. Cancer, infertility, and chronic back pain are just some of the possible long-term health outcomes. The consequences are amplified by poverty, limited access to health services, and gaps in social security coverage. There is also the impact of child labour on psychological health. However, the magnitude of the issue is hard to measure and remains poorly understood.³⁸

For fatal occupational accidents (IR_FA), neither the level change nor the post-legislation trend was statistically significant (p = 0.805). These findings indicate that the legislation had no statistically significant impact on the fluctuations in fatal accidents. Accordingly, the data do not provide evidence of a clear upward or downward trend in fatal accidents among child laborers following the introduction of the law. In line with this, previous research has reported that occupational mortality rates among children are comparable to those of adults across regions, suggesting that children may be working under conditions that are equally hazardous or even more hazardous than those of adults.³⁹

In the literature, age is treated as a categorical determinant of occupational risk, with workers’ physical and cognitive immaturity often cited as a primary explanatory factor. However, age is examined with working conditions, employment status, or task allocation. These lead accident causation to be attributed disproportionately to adolescent characteristics rather than to structural workplace factors.⁴⁰ The disproportionate concentration of accidents in the 17-year-old cohort highlights a critical threshold in the transition from protected childhood to adult labor roles. Age-related factors such as immaturity, inexperience, distraction, curiosity, and limited knowledge make children more vulnerable to occupational hazards.⁴¹ Unlike the younger age groups, where risk profiles remain relatively stable, the significant escalation observed as children approach the age of 18 suggests a structural shift in workplace exposure. This peak likely reflects a high-risk assignment phenomenon, where older children are delegated more hazardous and complex tasks that mirror adult responsibilities, yet operate without the requisite experience or the heightened supervision typically afforded to younger children. Furthermore, the significant difference between 16 and 17-year-olds underscores that the final year before legal adulthood constitutes a unique period of vulnerability within the workforce. This intensification of risk means that age-based legislative protections are frequently bypassed in practice as children age, leaving the oldest cohort most exposed to the systemic deficiencies of occupational safety monitoring.

There is no consensus on the end of childhood, and biological, traditional, and legal criteria often fail to delineate its limits. This uncertainty influences evaluations of child labor, especially with respect to age-related occupational risks. In industrialized countries, the transition from childhood to adulthood and thus entry into working life is prolonged, whereas in developing countries, this process occurs much more rapidly.⁴² The elevated accident risk among older children underscores the need for age-specific preventive measures and general occupational safety regulations.

A study on the child labor law in Spain reported that increasing the legal working age from 14 to 16 while keeping the school-leaving age at 14 contributed to a reduction in work-related accidents, particularly among boys. Improving educational attainment and the skill level of employment. Among girls, occupational accidents decreased, but labor force participation and wages showed no significant change. The Spanish case illustrates that complementary policies such as effective enforcement, monitoring, and consideration of social and economic conditions may be essential to the safety of child labor.⁴³ In another study, the minimum working age in Brazil was raised from 14 to 16 as part of broader efforts to eliminate child labor. The research indicates that increasing the legal working age alone was not sufficient to reduce child labor. The findings highlight that complementary measures, such as effective enforcement, labor inspections, and supportive social and educational policies, are essential to achieve meaningful reductions in child labor and associated occupational risks.⁴⁴ In other words, legislation alone is insufficient; sustained enforcement and mechanisms that ensure policies genuinely address workers’ needs are required.⁴⁵

This study, based on data from Turkey covering 2003–2024, had certain limitations as well as notable strengths. One key limitation is the absence of age-specific accident rates by sectors in the Social Security Institution (SGK) data, which restricts the ability to analyze the distribution and risk factors of occupational accidents across industries. This gap constrains efforts to produce targeted risk assessments and implement preventive measures for child laborers. The study included all recorded child laborers under 18; however, it does not capture unregistered employment, unreported incidents, or children working informally outside the scope of SGK records. Consequently, the analysis reflects only officially documented cases and general trends, rather than the full spectrum of child labor exposure and occupational risks.

Conclusion

According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), the concept of decent work encompasses multiple dimensions, including safe and fair working conditions, opportunities for future employment, gender equality, and protection against discrimination. Importantly, it also explicitly addresses the elimination of child labor, highlighting the central role of safeguarding children's rights and ensuring access to education as an integral component of the broader decent work framework.⁴⁶

The regulations and legislation primarily intended to ensure a safer work environment have a direct impact on the reporting of child labor occupational accidents. However, it is unclear whether general occupational health and safety measures effectively prevent accidents among child laborers. The findings of this study indicate that the number of occupational accidents involving child laborers in Turkey has markedly increased over the years. This trend reflects persistent deficiencies in ensuring safe working conditions and the urgent need for more effective preventive strategies. To develop targeted interventions, it is essential to improve data collection systems that record industry-specific risk types of injuries in child labor accidents.

Providing incentives to encourage the reporting of comprehensive and reliable accident data would strengthen both institutional monitoring and public awareness. Insights drawn from analyses of work-related injuries can contribute to evidence-based policies that enhance occupational safety while supporting the broader goal of eradicating child labor. Strengthening research on the causes and consequences of these accidents would help create safer workplaces, protect vulnerable children, and enrich global understanding of child labor dynamics.

Formulating effective prevention policies requires detailed knowledge of the sectors where child labor is most concentrated. Addressing child labor requires coordinated social policies that tackle its structural drivers, particularly poverty, limited educational opportunities, and weak social protection systems. In parallel, enhanced inspection mechanisms and stricter penalties for employers who engage in illegal child labor practices are indispensable for ensuring compliance and safeguarding children's rights.

Education plays a significant role in reducing child labor. Providing scholarships, promoting consistent school attendance, and conducting awareness programs for families can help limit children's premature entry into the workforce.

According to the Regulation on the Principles and Procedures for Employment of Children and Youth Workers, working hours, rest periods, and permissible job types must vary with age to ensure health and safety protection. However, in practice, many children continue to be employed under hazardous and inappropriate conditions.⁴⁷ This reality not only causes immediate harm but also impairs long-term societal welfare and economic growth, as children deprived of education and health are less likely to contribute productively to society.

Ultimately, eradicating child labor requires coordinated efforts among government bodies, educational institutions, employers, and civil society organizations. Comprehensive and sustained social policies must aim to guarantee that every child can grow up healthy, educated, and free from economic exploitation, breaking the intergenerational cycle of poverty and vulnerability that perpetuates child labor.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Not applicable.

Ethical approval

This study utilized official data from the Social Security Institution of the Turkish Republic (SGK); therefore, ethical approval is not applicable.

Informed consent

Not applicable.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Esra Yalçın

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