Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space

Traditionally, Chinese would go back to their hometowns to reunite with their families during the Chinese Lunar New Year. In the last 30 years, due to the uneven development of regions, Spring Festival travel rush were mainly from large cities to small cities or rural areas. However, in recent years, an increasing number of migrants prefer to stay in larger cities and have their families visit them during the Spring Festival. To map the reverse migrations and explore their influence, we collected and processed data on passenger travel in 2017 and 2018 from Tencent Location Big Data and GDP in 2017 at the prefectural level. The visuals based on the data indicate that the volume of reverse migration was mainly concentrated in regional centers, with great variation across cities. Besides, with increasing reverse traffic flows, large cities are shifting from being empty to vibrant cities during the Spring Festival, while small cities and rural areas are losing their vibrancy.

With China ageing rapidly, the health of the elderly has become a public concern. Access to urban parks, offering both physical and psychological health benefits to people, is critical for the elderly. To explore whether there are disparities in park access for the elderly, we collected and processed population data, point of interest and travel time from census tracts to parks by public transport in Shanghai. The visuals based on the data indicate that, in Shanghai, most of the elderly are able to reach large parks in 30 minutes, but gaps remain in the number of accessible parks. Although the ageing population living between the inner ring road and the external ring road is as large as that inside the inner ring road, the number of accessible parks for this population is much lower than for the latter.

This paper presents a sociology of housing developers, stressing the contingent, socially and spatially embedded nature of their practices. It complicates prevailing views of developers and demonstrates how urban development is, in fact, a spatial praxis requiring adaptability and capacities to adjust dispositions and practices to suit the particular environments in which it takes place. A growing body of work tries to understand the motivations and practices of property developers. While this has contributed to understandings of developers’ networks, the ways they understand their roles and the ways different national or regional contexts shape approaches, it largely lacks a spatial perspective, and does not account for the contingency, fluidity and adaptability of developers’ actions. Most importantly, it does not theorize how experiences in space shape practices. Developers are still largely presented as powerful actors who are able to exercise domination over space in relatively straight-forward, linear ways. In contrast, in this paper I demonstrate that developers are influenced by competing dynamics and agendas, and actively adapt their strategies and activities in accordance with the demands and realities of particular places. Building on the work of Centner (2008)and Marom (2014), the paper further develops the concepts ‘spatial capital’ and ‘spatial habitus’ and attempts to use them to make sense of the practices of property developers and affordable housing providers working in inner-city Johannesburg

The role of developers in shaping the built environment has attracted considerable critical attention, often focussing on the overbearing role of powerful, globalised actors in urban development. But there is also evidence that regulatory pathways shape outcomes. Through the case of a large-scale initiative in Johannesburg, South Africa, the “Corridors of Freedom”, we consider whether there is potential for developmental benefit to be gained from redirecting developer interest to create new kinds of built form. Linked to investment in a bus rapid transit system and agile bureaucracy, a model of closely managed low-income rental housing is emerging, although there is evidence of some displacement of the poorest from more informal housing. The study suggests the importance of reassessing the political complexion and potential of state–developer co-operation in urban development, and of looking more closely at the diversity of developers as well as the array of forms of finance mobilised for urban development beyond financialisation.

Land developers play an active role as institutional actors that shape the development and governance of urban regions. In this paper, we find that developers not only influence state institutions governing land use, they are place-based actors whose influence is normalized as invited strategic stakeholders in planning exercises. Our analysis highlights the complementarity of institutional and postpolitical theories in offering a nuanced understanding of the multi-faceted and multi-scalar relationships among powerful actors engaged in land development processes. Postpolitical theories highlight the participatory processes of inclusion and exclusion in collaborative-based planning exercises that privilege certain stakeholders and exclude others. Through the lens of institutionalist theory, we move beyond specific land conflicts to focus on the day-to-day interactions and institutionalized roles of key actors, ideas and political influences in shaping contested land policy and outcomes. The analysis is based on multi-year research projects that drew upon interviews, observation and document analysis of key actors’ engagement in initiatives to formulate and implement growth management policies in the Toronto region.

‘Affordable housing’ for Johannesburg’s growing middle class is a developmentalist imperative and potentially lucrative market. However, few greenfield developers have found this market profitable. Fundamental to those who have, is control over land and its development. This paper puts heterodox urban land rent theory to work vis-à-vis the logics and practices of these developers. I illustrate how greenfield affordable housing developers work to (re)produce differential and monopoly rents in this context. Differential rents rely on investing in cheap land produced through the city’s racialised geography, and controlling land’s development through vertical integration, dynamic negotiations with local government and development finance institutions, and steering money and people into developments. Monopoly rents rely on the power of developers to act together as a class to secure land, give the appearance of competition and lobby the state in their interests. This power is built through racialised control over land and long personal connections. It is also consolidated by the state’s own land development bureaucracy and preference for ‘mega’ developments and recognisable developers. Together, these developer strategies to accrue differential and monopoly rents demonstrate their active role in the everyday making of land and housing markets. They also demand extensions of heterodox urban land rent theory: first, a more articulated understanding of how class monopoly power over land is built through race, and second, a more contingent analysis of capital’s relations to other actors and institutions, especially the state.

This paper contributes to existing research on the relational work of real estate developers to demonstrate how internal corporate complexities create opaqueness in governance settings and limit potential community engagement. This work is particularly pertinent at a time when there is renewed interest in the private sector, yet very little analysis that begins from the perspective of the developer. Drawing on the example of London’s Silvertown, this paper shows how the strategies of development organizations evident in existing research, including their work with the public sector, communities and experts, require multiple levels of internal coordination. I argue that because of these sub-centres of power, developers are able to maintain a more deeply entrenched centrality in urban governance.

This article examines how developers attempt to move into new settings, and how such attempts sometimes fail. Unlike long-standing developers, who are in various ways ‘embedded’ (Henneberry and Parris, 2013), newcomers have to overcome their lack of familiarity with the context of their intended project. Using the case of a proposed megaproject at Modderfontein in Johannesburg, we examine how a Chinese developer worked to articulate with the Johannesburg planning environment. It produced an extensive network by deploying its staff to Johannesburg, hiring local professional staff, winning the favour of provincial politicians and hiring consultants in the UK in order to help close a deal with planners responsible for approval. Sophisticated efforts to pitch the project to municipal planners using win-win narratives failed to satisfy the planners’ material concerns that the project would break up urban space, would be financially exclusionary and could undermine economies elsewhere in the city. The developer ultimately withdrew as a result of delays in approval combined with a financial crisis it faced in its home context. The article considers the interplay between the transnational networks that emerge around megaprojects; the communicative space of project negotiations that is characterised by different cultures of planning; and the political economic context that allows – or interrupts – transnational development.

This article explores the evolving role of real estate developers in the wider metropolitan region of Manila, the Philippines. We argue that, given the relational nature of these actors, they are a relevant object of analysis for the formulation of “mid-level” theories that take into account both global, macroeconomic trends and local, history-dependent contingencies.

 As we consider developers’ activities and interactions with a wide range of public and private actors, we retrace their gradual empowerment since the beginning of the postcolonial period. As a handful of powerful land-owning families created real estate development companies, urban production quickly became dominated by a strong oligarchy capable of steering urban development outside the realm of public decision-making. Philippine developers subsequently strengthened their capacity by stepping into infrastructure provision, seemingly expanding their autonomy further.

 More recently, however, we argue that while the role of private sector actors in shaping urban and regional trajectories has scaled up, their activities have been tethered more strongly to a state-sponsored vision of change. Both by reorienting public–private partnerships (PPP) toward its regional plans, and by initiating new forms of public–private partnerships that give it more control, the state is attempting to harness the activity of developers. We characterize this shift as a move from the “privatization of planning” to the “planning of privatization” of urban space.

This paper separates two mechanisms through which agglomeration increases average firm innovation: selection (less innovative firms being forced out of agglomerations) and true agglomeration (firms become more innovative). I apply a quantile regression to estimate the distribution of firm innovation and separate these two mechanisms. Linking a unique establishment-level dataset with the patent dataset in the state of Maryland for the period 2004–2013, I find that a 1-mile radius area with above-median employment concentration significantly encourages firm innovation. An average establishment that files for at least one patent during the study period increases citation-weighted patent applications by 31.2% to 31.5% in such employment centers. I also find evidence of selection: non-innovators are 1.3% less likely to survive in agglomerations. The coexistence of agglomeration and selection causes the result of an ordinary least squares regression to be upwardly biased. By eliminating the selection effect, this study more precisely estimates the agglomeration effect, which can be applied to cost–benefit and cost-effectiveness analyses of urban and industrial policies.

As the rental housing market moves online, the internet offers divergent possible futures: either the promise of more-equal access to information for previously marginalized homeseekers, or a reproduction of longstanding information inequalities. Biases in online listings’ representativeness could impact different communities’ access to housing search information, reinforcing traditional information segregation patterns through a digital divide. They could also circumscribe housing practitioners’ and researchers’ ability to draw broad market insights from listings to understand rental supply and affordability. This study examines millions of Craigslist rental listings across the USA and finds that they spatially concentrate and overrepresent whiter, wealthier, and better-educated communities. Other significant demographic differences exist in age, language, college enrollment, rent, poverty rate, and household size. Most cities’ online housing markets are digitally segregated by race and class, and we discuss various implications for residential mobility, community legibility, gentrification, housing voucher utilization, and automated monitoring and analytics in the smart cities paradigm. While Craigslist contains valuable crowdsourced data to better understand affordability and available rental supply in real time, it does not evenly represent all market segments. The internet promises information democratization, and online listings can reduce housing search costs and increase choice sets. However, technology access/preferences and information channel segregation can concentrate such information-broadcasting benefits in already-advantaged communities, reproducing traditional inequalities and reinforcing residential sorting and segregation dynamics. Technology platforms like Craigslist construct new institutions with the power to shape spatial economies, human interactions, and planners’ ability to monitor and respond to urban challenges.